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THE

MILITARY SERYICES

AND

PUBLIC LIFE

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN,

OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY ARMY.

THOMAS C. AMORY.

BOSTON:
WIGGIN AND LUNT.

ALBANY, N.Y.: J. MUNSELL.
1868.

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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by

Thomas C. Amory,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page

Preface 3

1740 Birth 8

1774 Member of Provincial Assembly 10

Delegate to Continental Congress 10

Attack on Fort at Newcastle 10

Address to Governor 13

1775 In Congress 14

Appointed Brigadier- General 15

Siege of Boston 15

Letter on New-Hampshire Constitution 17

Letter to John Adams 21

1776 Command in Canada 23

Address of Officers 23

Promotion to Major-General 24

Battle of Long Island 24

Taken Prisoner 29

Lord Howe's Letter 29

Interview with Congress 29

Exchange for General Prescott » . . . 31

In Westchester . 36

Capture, of Lee 36

Battle of Trenton 36

1777 Battle of Princeton 37

I Descent on Staten Island 38

Letter to Congress 41

Battle of Brandy wine 43

CONTENTS.

] Page

1777 Letter to Congress 47

Letter to John Adams 54

Battle of Germantown 57

Letter to President Weare 57

1778 Valley Forge 65

Command in Rhode Island 67

Letter to Pigott, April 27 68

Letter to Pigott, June 4 69

Letter to Congress, May 3 70

Letter of Lafayette 73

Crosses on to the Island 74

Address to D'Estaing 77

Letter to Washington 79

Battle of Rhode Island . ... . . 81

Letter to Congress 84

Letter of General Greene 89

1779 Expedition against the Six Nations 96

Letters to Washington 98

Letter to Governor Clinton 103

Washington's Instructions 104

Letter to Congress 109

Letter of Colonel Pickering 113

Letter of Washington 114

Letter to Washington 117

Clinton joins him 117

Battle of Newtown 119

Letter to Congress 121

Requests troops to be content with half-rations . . . . 125

Address to Oneidas, Sept. 1 127

Response 128

Letter to Congress, Sept. 30 130

Address to Oneidas 140

Response 141

Letter to Congress, Oct. 2 142

Iroquois 145

Thanks of Congress 151

Address of the Jersey Brigade 152

Resigns 153

Letter to Washington, Nov* 6 153

CONTENTS.

Page

1779 Letter to Washington, Dec. 1 155

Reply of Washington, Dec. 15 156

Qualifications as a General Officer 158

Criticisms 164

1780 Delegate to Congress ' .... 171

Hampshire Grants 172

State of Affairs 174

Committee of War 175

Letter of Washington, Nov. 20 176

Letter of Washington, Nov. 25 178

Address to the States 178

Committee on Finance 179

1781 Committee on Mutiny in Pennsylvania Line .... 180

Letter of Lafayette, Jan. 9 ' . 180

Letter to Minister of France, Jan. 13 180

Choice of Superintendent of Finance 181

Letter of Washington, Feb. 4 184

Articles of Confederation, March 1 187

Measures of Finance 187

Thomas Burke 191

Jersey Hulks .' . 191

Depreciation of Currency 192

Attorney- General of New Hampshire 192

1782 Disturbances at Keene 192

1783 Society of Cincinnati 197

State Constitution 198

1784 Major-General 198

Member of the Council 200

Refugee Loyalists 201

Organization of State Militia 201

1785 Presidential Canvass 204

Vindication 205

1786 President of New Hampshire 209

Allen Claim 209

" New-Hampshire Spy " 211

Inaugural Address 212

Insurrectionary Movements 215

Address to the People 218

Address to Legislature 228

CONTENTS.

Page

1786 Plan for paying Federal Debt 222

1787 Re-elected President 225

Letter fix^m Gen. Knox 227

Federal Constitution 229

1788 CJonventicfe for Ratification 229

Fast Proclamation 231

Ratification 236

1789 Federal Offices 240

Re-elected President 241

Judge of Federal CJourt 241

Washington's Visit 241

Thanksgiving Proclamation 243

Returns from Presidency 244

Opens his Court 244

Health undermined . 245

1795 Death 246

Character and Services ! 246

APPENDIX.

Parentage 263

Early Life 291

Attack on Fort 295

Durham Military Association 297

Gen. ScammelFs Letter 298

Letter from Officer in Canada 300

Livius's Letter 301

Military Organization 307

Washington's Visit 319

ERRATA.

Page 10, line 19, for " 12th," read " 17th."
„ 26, line 2, for " on," read " to."
„ „ lines, for "to," read "by."
„ 209, line 19, for " sons," read " grandsons; " and for " who," read " and John

Tufton Mason, son of Bobert."
„ 249, line 7, for " like him," read " not for so long a period."
„ 279, line 24, for " 8," read " 4."
„ 280, line 3, for « 4," read " 8."

PREFACE.

The prominent position held for nearly a quarter of a century
by General Sullivan, in civil and military life ; the important
epoch and events with which he was associated ; the mass of
material of interest to students of American history, that can
ill no other way be so intelligibly placed before the public, —
indicate an obligation somewhere to prepare his biography.
Such a work should be less the history of the individual than
of his times, — of New Hampshire in the Revolution and the
periods that followed it ; her social, professional, and political
life while he was engaged in her service. Whatever inci-
dents he was conspicuously connected with, shedding light
on the course of public aflFairs, or serving to illustrate the
personages who shared with him in their management, would
come within its scope.

Whilst many other distinguished characters remained un-
commemorated, those whose duty it was to cherish his mem-
ory felt under no constraint to call attention to his public
services. But now that those services have been made sub-
ject of misrepresentation and erroneous impression, for want
of information at hand to correct them, this should no longer
be delayed.

With profound distrust of his own ability to meet this obli-
gation, the writer has, for many years, been diligent in col-
lecting materials, in the expectation that some one would

4 PREFACE.

be found better qualified and more favorably placed for the
preparation of a suitable biography. He is now himself re-
luctantly persuaded to proceed with the work ; and would be
grateful to whoever possesses what will add to its value, to
permit him the use of it for his purpose. Pamphlets, news-
papers, public documents, correspondence, or personal anec-
dotes would be acceptable. This request is addressed to
gentlemen in all parts of the country, who are disposed to
render their aid ; but especially to those of New Hampshire,
who best know how much there remains that is generally
interesting, connected with the official and professional life of
General Sullivan, which must perish or be lost to the public,
if not recorded in print.

Towards the close of the year 1866, appeared a publication
with many perversions as to his services in the war, which
was promptly responded to in the December number of the
New- York " Historical Magazine ; " and also in a paper, read
the same month before the Massachusetts Historical Society
at their meeting, and published in their recent volume of
"Proceedings." Our design was simply to place that paper
within reach of readers to whom the volume itself was not
readily accessible. But it has grown in the press much be-
yond its original dimensions, and now embraces a full account
of the campaigns in Rhode Island, in 1778, and in New York,
in 1779, with the events of his subsequent career in Congress,
and of his official life in New Hampshire. Many documents
procured from the State and National Archives, not heretofore
given to the public, and a few of his writings are added. It
still is not so much a biography as a vindication, and we hope
to be encouraged to extend and improve it.

It is not to be hoped that any refutation in our power to
make, however conclusive, will follow a work of established
popularity, circulating abroad as well as at home. Th0 wrong
done is not to be repaired. Life and reputation are held on a
precarious tenure, both alike at the mercy of the unscru-

PREFACE. 5

pulous. To many minds, to censure is to condemn. All
that can be hoped is to rescue the military character of
General Sullivan from misapprehension amongst our own
people, and to spread as widely as possible evidence to re-
move the aspersions cast upon it. He did his best ; was inde-
fatigable in the service of his country; devoted the best
years of his existence to the establishment of her indepen-
dence, liberties, and social order on secure foundations ; was
honest, generous, and self-sacrificing ; loyal to every obliga-
tion, public and private ; and it is confidently believed that
now, as when in the Revolution he was occasionally sub-
jected to unfriendly criticism, he will gain a higher place in
the estimation of his countrymen, from having been unjustly
maligned.

Boston, November 1, 1868.

THE MILITARY SERVICES

MAJOR'GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN

In a recently published volume by George Baucroft, the
ninth of a work entitled " History of the United States," and
the third of that portion of it devoted to the American Revo-
lution, certain errors are found which require correction.
These reflect upon the character and conduct of several of
our most honored Revolutionary officers, — in part being, it is
conceived, mistakes of judgment ; in other instances, misap-
prehensions of fact. The present object is to set right those
that relate to Major-General John Sullivan, of New Hamp-
shire.

It is unfortunate for his fame, that, with the exception of
the brief memoir in the Third Volume of the Second Series
of Sparks's " American Biography," no separate account has
been given either of his civil or his military career. The
hope had been indulged, that some citizen of New Hampshire,
familiar with the part taken by that State in the war, and
with the character and services of its historical personages
who co-operated with Sullivan in his labors, would have felt
called upon to become his biographer. But this hope has
been disappointed.

8 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

His immediate descendants, incessantly employed in public
or . professional labor, have had neither the leisure nor the
disposition to determine what place he should occupy among
the patriots who founded the republic. Much as they re-
vered his memory, the obligation to secure for him his just
reward in the grateful remembrance of his countrymen,
did not rest upon them. If, at a crisis fraught with the des-
tinies of America, he had fortunately been instrumental in
establishing its independence and national existence on firm
foundations, it was for the public whom he served to make
acknowledgment. But when, without a shadow of reason or
particle of proof, his discretion and generalship are sub-
jected to obloquy, it becomes their sacred duty, as their
right, to vindicate them. It is incumbent upon whoever is
familiar with the evidence, and detests historical injustice, to
help in protecting his fame from undeserved disparagement.

It might well have been wished, that some abler writer
had assumed the task. But the materials for the purpose are
widely distributed, the story of the Revolution has been of
late often repeated, and the most favorable time has not per-
haps yet arrived for a detailed account of his active and
eventful life. In submitting with diffidence to the candor of
the public this vindication of his military character from
reproaches unwarranted by contemporary evidence, and at
variance with the opinion entertained of his (Qualifications
for command by the best and ablest of his brother officers,
confidence is indulged that judgment will be reserved until
both sides have been heard.

Although the name of General Sullivan and his services
are generally familiar to students of American history, a brief
recital of the principal incidents of his career is indispensa-
ble to a clear view, or just estimate of so much of it as has
been subject for misrepresentation. He was born at Som-
ersworth, in New Hampshire, on the opposite side of the
river from Berwick, in Maine, which was his early home,

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 9

18th February, 1740, receiving from his father, who had him-
self enjoyed the advantages of a liberal culture in Europe, a
good education.* After a voyage to the West Indies, he
became a member of the family of the Hon. Isaac Livermore,
a lawyer of Portsmouth, in extensive practice, and, under his
instruction, prepared himself for his profession. He early
exhibited ability of a high order; gained. the respect and
encouragement of his instructor ; and soon attained, by his
industry, learning, and eloquence, a distinguished position at
the bar of New Hampshire. Such was his professional suc-
cess, that, soon after his marriage at the age of twenty, he
purchased the commodious dwelling at Durhg-m, still in good
preservation, which continued to be his abode for the re-
mainder of his life, and that of his widow till her death
in 1820.

For the next ten years, he was constantly employed in
lucrative causes, taking an elevated rank as an able advocate
and judicious counsellor. He enjoyed the friendship of the
Wentworths and the Langdons, as well as that of Lowell,
Adams, and Otis, leading members of the Massachusetts Bar.
He early promoted the introduction into New Hampshire of
that manufacturing industry to which she owes so large a
portion of her present prosperity, establishing cloth and full-
ing mills at Durham, and, before the breaking out of the
war, had accumulated, if not wealth, a handsome competence.

Of a robust constitution and active spirit, he had a natural
taste for military life ; and although, with the exception of
uniting with his father and brothers in the defence of Ber-
wick from occasional attacks by the Indians, he had, before
our Revolutionary period, no actual experience of warfare,
heroes of Louisbourg abounded in his neighborhood, incit-
ing emulation. He is said to have devotedy in his historical
studies, particular attention to military movements and en-

* See Api)eiidix.
2

10 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

gagement^, and to have been able accurately to describe most
of the great battles of ancient and modem times. In 1772,
at the age of thirty-one, he held a colonial commission as
major, and improved every opportunity to become acquainted
with the practical details, as well as the rudiments, of mili-
tary science.

His ardent nature and his abhorrence of oppression, his
contributions to the political press, and his extended influ-
ence and popularity, marked him early as a leader in the
impending struggle. In the spring of 1774, ho was a member
of the Provincial Assembly of New Hampshire, and, in Sep-
tember of the same year, was sent to Philadelphia as one of
th,e New-Hampshire delegation to the Continental Congress.
His name appeared on many of the most important committees
of the latter body ; he took his part in its deliberations, pre-
pared several of its important papers, and stood well with his
associates.

Soon after his return home, he planned, with Thomas Picker-
ing and John Langdon, an attack, on the night of the 12th of
December, upon Port William and Mary, at Newcastle, in Ports-
mouth Harbor, — one of the earliest acts of hostility against
the Mother Country ; and, by the aid of a portion of a force he
had been for some months engaged in drilling in their military
exercises, in preparation for the anticipated conflict, carried
ninety-seven kegs of powder and a quantity of small arms, in
gondolas, to Durham, where they were concealed, in part,
under the pulpit of its meeting-house. Soon after the battles
of Lexington and Concord, in April, had aroused the people
to a realizing sense that they were actually engaged in hostili-
ties, these much-needed supplies, or a portion of them, were
brought by him to the lines at Cambridge, where he marched
with his company, and were used at the battle of Bunker
Hill.*

* See Appendix.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 11

In order to justify to public opinion, not only in the prov-
ince, but throughout the country, the motives actuating this
first directly overt act of hostilities, he published through the
press, on the 24th of December, — not many days after it oc-
curred, — the following address to the inhabitants of British
America. This address has a sufficiently close relation to the
main object of this publication, to warrant its introduction.
It will, moreover, serve to show the resolute and uncompro-
mising spirit in which the patriots put at risk their lives and
fortunes in entering into rebellion ; it indicates the elevated
principles that governed them, as well as the ability and
good temper with which they vindicated their course. It
reads : —

Friends and Countrymen, — At a time when ministerial tyrants
threaten a people with the total loss of their liberties, supineness and
inattention on their part will render that ruin, which their enemies
have designed for them, unavoidable. A striking instance of this we
have in the history of the Carthaginians. That brave people, notwith-
standing they had surrendered up three hundred hostages to the Ro-
mans, upon a promise of being restored to their former liberties,
found themselves instantly invaded by the Roman army. Roused by
this unexpected procedure, they sent deputies to demand an explana-
tion. They were told, that they must deliver up all their arms to the
Romahs, and then they should peaceably enjoy their liberties. Upon
their compliance with this requisition, Marcius, one of the Roman con-
suls, thus addressed them: ''We are well pleased with these first
instances of your obedience, and therefore cannot help congratulating
you upon them. I have now but one thing more to require of you, in
the name of the Roman people. I will therefore, without further pre-
amble, plainly declare to you an order, on which the safety of your
republic, the preservation of your goods, your lives, and liberties, de-
pend : Rome requires that you abandon your city, which we are com-
manded to level with the ground. You may build yourselves another
where you please, provided it be ten miles from the sea, and without
walls or fortification. A little courage and resolution will get the
better of the affection which attaches you to your old habitations,
which is founded more in habit than in reason." The consternation of
the Carthaginian deputies, at hearing this treacherous speech, is not to

12 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

be expressed. Some swooned, others burst into cries and lamenta-
tion ; nor were even the Roman soldiers, who were present, unmoved
at the affecting scene. "This sensibility," said the inhuman consul,
" will wear off by degrees. Time and necessity teaches the most un-
fortunate to bear their calamities with patience: the Carthaginians,
when they recover their senses, will choose to obey."

Although the Carthaginians, after this, made a noble and manly
resistance, yet the surrender of their arms proved the destruction of
that city which had so often contended with Rome for the empire
of the world.

Equally inexcusable with the Carthaginians will the Americans be,
if they suffer the tyrants, who are endeavoring to enslave them, to
possess themselves of all their forts, castles, arms, ammunition, and
warlike stores. What reason can be given by them for such cowardly
and pusillanimous conduct ? Perhaps it may be said that there yet
remains some gleam of hope that the British Ministry may do us
justice, restore to us our liberties, and repeal those oppressive acts
which now hang over America. Were this even probable, it would
hardly justify such a course. But what foundation have we for such
hope ? If this be the intention of the ministry, is a formidable fleet
and numerous army necessary to bring it about ? Could they not have
given up their plan for enslaving America, without seizing all the
strongholds on the continent, upon all the arms and ammunition,
without soliciting, and finally obtaining, an order to prohibit the impor-
tation of warlike stores into the colonies ? Does this speak the lan-
guage of peace and reconciliation ? or does it not rather speak that of
war, tumult, and desolation ? And shall we, like the Carthaginians,
peaceably surrender our arms to our enemies, in hopes of obtaining in
return the liberties we have so long contended for?

Be not deceived, my countrymen : should the Ministry ever prevail
upon you to make that base and infamous surrender, they will then tell
you, in the language of the haughty and inhuman Marcius, what those
liberties are which they will in future suffer you to enjoy ; and en-
deavor to persuade you, that, when you have recovered your senses,
you will choose to obey. Is it possible that any person among us
thinks of making a submission to the several powers which now claim a
right to rule over us ? If so, let him take a view of the situation he and
his American brethren must then be in. We all acknowledge our sub-
mission to the authority of our Provincial legislature, in the same manner
as the people in Great Britain acknowledge the power of Parliament

MAJOIWJENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. l5

over them; beeanse the Assemblies here and Parliament there are
composed in part of persons elected by the people, and who are liable,
ly misconduct, to be excluded by them from ever acting again as
representatives; and, where the people have this constitutional
I upon their rulers, slavery can never be introduced. " But," says
amous Mr. Locke, ** whenever a power exists in a state over which
!>eople have no control, the people are completely enslaved." If
be the case, what shall we say to the claim of Parliament to legis-
for us in all cases whatsoever, — to the mandates of a minister of
sUx J, which so often have superseded the laws of the Colonial legisla-
tures, although assented to by his Majesty? or to the late order of
the King and Council prohibiting the importation of warlike stores into
the Colonies ; and who, by the same color of right, may, whenever they
please, prohibit the importation of any, or even every, other article ?
These are undoubtedly such powers as we have no check upon or con-
trol over, — powers similar to those which have spread tyranny and
oppression over three quarters of the globe ; and, if we tamely submit
to their authority, will soon accomplish that slavery which they have
long been endeavoring to bring upon America.

I am far from wishing hostilities to commence on the part of Amer-
ica ; but still hope that no person will, at this important crisis, be
unprepared to act in his own defence, should he by necessity be driven
thereto. And I must here beg leave to recommend to the considera-
tion of the people on this continent, whether, when we are by an arbi-
trary decree prohibited the having arms and ammunition by importa-
tion, we have not, by the law of self-preservation, a right to seize upon
those within our power, in order to defend the liberties which God and
nature have given to us ; especially at this time, when several of the
Colonies are involved in a dangerous war with the Indians, and must,
if this inhuman order have the designed effect, fall a prey to those
savages and barbarians, who have so often deluged this land in
blood.

The following month, at a convention of the Province at
Exeter, he drafted its address to the Governor, Sir John
Wentworth, which, while preserving the forms of loyalty,
plainly intimates a determination to maintain their rights.

We, the delegates of the several towns of this Province, assembled
in Congress at Exeter, on the twenty-fifth day of Januaiy, 1775, avow-
ing our loyalty to his Majesty, and regard for the peace and tranquillity *

THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

of this Province, beg leave to address your Excellency in behalf of the
people, whose steady adherence to the law, and submission to legal
authority, have been often acknowledged by your Excellency, and con-
fessed by the Ministry in Great Britain.

Permit us to remind your Excellency, that, for nearly ten months
past, the inhabitants of the Province, by a dissolution of their late
Assembly, have been deprived of the constitutional right of having a
share in their own government ; and that, during the before-mentioned
space of time, the whole power of government has been lodged with
your Excellency and the Council, each appointed by the Crown, and
holding your commissions during pleasure.

We are fully sensible that the power of dissolving the Assembly of
the people is, by the constitution, vested in the Crown ; yet we appre-
hend that this, like any other prerogative, may, by an undue exercise
thereof, become grievous and oppressive.

For if the prerogative can be extended to dissolve one Assembly
after another, merely because the membere differ in sentiment from
his Majesty or his representative, the people cannot participate in their
own legislative council unless permitted by the Crown, and must
expect a dissolution of their members whenever they are represented
by persons who have virtue and firmness enough to act their own
judgment.

Immediately' after the attack on the fort, the Governor of
the Province had issued a proclamation, declaring the offend-
ers guilty of treason, and offering a reward for their appre-
hension. In open defiance of his authority, Major Sullivan,
Lieutenant Adams, and other citizens of Durham holding civil
or military commissions from the king, assembled at the
Adams tavern, and,, with Sullivan at their head, moved in
procession to the Common, near the meeting-house, where
they kindled a bonfire, and, in the presence of a large num-
ber of persons, burned their commissions, uniforms, and all
other insignia which in any way connected them with the
royal government.

Resuming his place, on the 10th of May, in the Congress,
he was placed on many of its most important committees, and
of that of war was chairman. When, soon after, Dickinson

MAJOR-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 15

moved a second address to the king, John Adams says Sulli-
van opposed it in a strain of wit, eloquence, and fluency, un-
usual even for him, filling with dismay those who favored
reconciliation.

In June, when Washington was elected commander-in-chief,
Sullivan, appointed one of the eight brigadiers, went with
him to Cambridge, where his brigade, posted at Winter Hill,
with that of Greene, formed Lee's division, the' left wing
of the army investing Boston. He was twice detailed to the
eastward to fortify against British cruisers ; was active and
zealous in procuring re-enforcements, rendering the war
popular, and harassing the enemy ; and won the affection and
respect of Washington and his brother oflScers. Various
attempts were made to draw on an engagement, some of which
were planned by Sullivan, whose post at Winter Hill ap-
proached very nearly the advanced lines of the enemy at
Charlestown. The following letter to the New-Hampshire
Committee of Safety relates an incident entitled to mention
in the annals of such a war, and which proves masked bat-
teries no recent invention : —

Winter Hill, July 29, 1776.
I was preparing, when the gentleman you sent me arrived, on Satur-
day, to take possession of the Ploughed Hill, near the enemy's en-
campment at Charleston. This was done Saturday night; and, on
Sunday morning, a heavy cannonading ensued, which lasted through
the whole day. The floating batteries and an armed vessel attempting
to come up and enfilade us as expected, a battery, which had been
prepared on purpose, was opened upon them, cutting away the sloop's
foresail, and making her shear off; disabling one floating battery, and
sinking another. Yesterday, they sent a man-of-war to Mystick River,
drew their forces from Boston, formed a long column, and prepared to
come out; but, finding our readiness to receive them, declined the
combat. Last evening, they began to throw bombs, but have as yet
done no damage. Their cannon have been more successful, having
killed three or four.

A few days later, on the 5th of August, he alludes, in an-

16 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

other letter to the Committee, to the dismay of the besiegers,
occasioned by the discovery that their powder was nearly
exhausted : —

General Washingtoa has, I presume, already written you on the
subject of this letter. We all rely upon your keeping both the con-
tents of his letter and mine a profound secret. We had a general
council the day before yesterday, and, to our great surprise, discovered
that we had not powder enough to furnish half a pound a man, exclu-
sive of what the people have in their horns and cartridge-boxes. This
situation we are reduced to by the Massachusetts Committee making a
return to General Washington of four hundred and eighty-five quarter-
casks on his arrival, which he supposed were then on hand. To his
surprise, he found that it was what was provided last winter, and that
there is now on hand but thirty-eight barrels; which, with all the
powder in the other magazines, will not furnish half a pound per man.
The General was so struck, that he did not utter a word for half an
hour. Every one else was also astounded.

Messengers are despatched to all the Southern Colonies to draw in
their public stocks ; and I must entreat you to forget all colony distinc-
tions. Consider a Continental army devoted to destruction, unless im-
mediately supplied ; and send us at least twenty barrels of powder with
all possible speed. Should this matter take air before a supply arrives,
our army is ruined. You, gentlemen, will need no words from me to
induce an immediate compliance with this request. You can have no
necessity of powder in the country : there is not the most distant proba-
bility, or even possibility, of an attack upon you.

While busily engaged in camp, he wrote his frien^ Me-
shech Weare, then at the head of affairs in New Hampshire,
the following response to a request for his opinion as to what
frame of government should be adopted by the Province upon
its re-organization. If his views are not particularly pro-
found or philosophic, this letter evinces the practical good
sense that distinguished the popular leaders. It exhibits the
objects for which they were contending ; is fraught with sug-
gestions that can never grow old ; and affords abundant proof,
if any is needed, that Sullivan merited the esteem in which
he was held.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 17

Winter Hill, Dec. 11, 1775.

Dear Sir, — Though continually involved in those difficulties
which necessarily attend a military life, I can by no means forget the
duty I owe to that Province, whose generous favors I have so often
experienced. Deeply impressed with gratitude to that truly pa-
triotic Colony, and fully sensible that the remaining part of my life
ought to be devoted to the interest of my country in general and that
Province in particular, I have stolen a few moments from the busy
scenes of war to offer you my thoughts upon a matter, which I deem
essential to the future welfare of my truly spirited and deserving
brethren within that government.

I hear that the Continental Congress has given our Province power
to assume government ; but the contents of their letter to the Provin-
cial Congress having never transpired, and my friends at the Con-
tinental Congress having never informed me, but in general terms,
that we had liberty to assume government, I must conclude that
liberty is given to set up and establish a new form of government.
For as we were, properly speaking, a king's government before, the
giving us power to assume government would otherwise be giving us a
license to assume a form not within our control. Taking it, therefore,
for granted that the Congress has given us liberty to set up that form
of government which will best answer its true end and design, I shall
beg leave to offer you my thoughts upon the subject, leaving you to
make such use thereof as your wisdom shall direct.

And, as my ideas of government may, in some measure, differ from
those of others, I shall beg leave to premise, that all government is,
or ought to be, instituted for the good of the people ; and that form of
government is most perfect where that design is most nearly and
effectually answered. Secondly, that government which admits of
contrary and conflicting interests, is imperfect, and must work its own
ruin, whenever one branch has gained a power sufficient to overrule or
destroy the other ; and the adding a third, with a separate and distinct
interest, in imitation of the British Constitution, so much celebrated by
those who understand nothing of it, is only like two contending powers
calling in a third, which is unconnected in interest, to keep the other
two in awe till it can gain power sufficient to destroy them both. And
I may almost venture to prophesy, that the period is now at hand when
the British nation will too late discover the defects in their much-
boasted Constitution, and the ruin of that empire evince to the world

18 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

the folly and danger of establishing a government consisting of different
branches, whose interest must ever clash with each other.

Thirdly, That no danger can arise to a state from giving the people
a free and full voice in their own government ; and that what are
called the prerogatives of the Crown, or checks upon the licentious-
ness of the people, are only the children of ambition or designing men,
not at all needed : for, though many states have been overturned by
the rage and violence of the people, yet that spirit of rage and violence
has ever been awakened in the first place by the misconduct of their
rulers. Whenever this has been carried to dangerous heights, so far
from being attributable to too much power being lodged in the hand of
the people, it has clearly been owing to their having too small, and their
rulers too extensive, a power. Thus we find Rome enjoyed its liber-
ties till their Dictators and others were clothed with power unknown
before, and made, in some sort, independent of the people ; and to the
authority so inconsiderately given should be charged all the tumults at
Rome and the final ruin of that empire. This uncontrollable power, so
much sought after by designing men, is made use of to enslave the
people, and either brings about that event or raises the just indigna-
tion of the people to extirpate the tyrant thus seeking their ruin. . And
it sometimes happens that this resentment is so far carried, by the fury
of an enraged populace, as totally to destroy the remains of government,
and leave them in a state of anarchy and confusion ; and too often have
designing persons taken advantage of this confusion, and established
tyranny in its place. I am well convinced that people are too fond of
their own ease and quiet to rise up in rebellion against government,
unless where the tyranny of their rulers becomes intolerable ; and their
fondness for government must clearly appear from their so often sub-
mitting to one tyrant after having extirpated another, rather than live
in a state of anarchy.

I would therefore advise to such a form of government as would
admit of but one object to be kept in view of the governor and the
governed, namely, the good of the whole ; that one interest should
unite the several governing branches, and that the frequent choice of
the rulers by the people should operate as a check upon their conduct,
and remind them that a new election would soon honor them for their
good conduct, or disgrace them for betraying the trust reposed in them.
I by no means object to a Governor, but would have him freely ap-
pointed by the people, and dependent upon them ; and his appointment
not to continue for a long time, unless re-elected, — at most, not exceed-

■4

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 19

ing three years ; and this appointment to be made by the freeholders
in person, and not by their representatives, as that would be putting
too dangerous a power in their hands, and possibly a majority of de-
signing men might elect a person to answer their own particular pur-
poses, to the great emolument of themselves and the oppression of
their fellow-subjects; whereas we can never suppose the people to
have any thing but the true end of government, their own good, in
view, unless we suppose them idiots or self-murderers.

I am likewise much in favor of a Council and House of Represen-
tatives, but would have them likewise chosen by the people, and by no
means for a longer time than three years. This mode of election
would effectually guard against that pernicious tendency of governors, —
to throw aside persons whom they find will not join them in enslaving
the people. The late conduct of Bernard and Hutchinson, and the
present unhappy state of the Province I am now in, are striking wit-
nesses of the justice of this observation ; nor can I see the least reason
for a Governor having the power to negative a Speaker of the House.

I would have some rule established for rendering persons incapable
of holding either of the above oflSces, that should, either before or after
election, bribe or treat the voters, with intent either to procure an elec-
tion or reward the electors.

Having chosen him, accusation against the Governor should be tried
by the two Houses : if against either of the other members, by ^he
Governor and the other membera of both Houses, he having only a
vote equal to any other member; and, in case judgment should pass
against the newly elected Governor, the old one to remain till another
election be had, and, in case he be the same person previously elected,
the President of the Council to supply his place till an election can
again be made. The President should be appointed by free vote of the
members of Council, at their first meeting.

The infamous practice of bribing people in Great Britain to sell
their votes, and consequently their liberties, must show the danger of
permitting it to be introduced under our constitution. To prevent it,
and to guard against the undue influence of persons in power over
voters, I would recommend the said Pennsylvanian method ; viz., that
every vote should be rolled up, and sealed ; on the back thereof should
be noted that it is a vote for a Governor, which should be deposited in
a box prepared for the purpose ; and a vote for Councillors and Rep-
resentatives, likewise sealed up, and noted on the back, should be
brought in like manner and deposited in separate boxes provided for

20 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

that purpose ; that all voters, having once given in their votes, should
pass out, and care be taken that they should not come in again till the
voting is over. Or, if thought more expedient, let the clerk of the
meeting have a perfect list of all the voters, with columns ruled against
their names, — one marked for a Governor, one for a Representative ;
and, when a person brings in his vote for one of them, let a mark be
made against his name in that column ; and, if he brings in for all
three at the same time, a mark be made in each column : which, I
think, will effectually prevent any fraud in voting. The Representa-
tive's box should be examined in the meeting, and the election declared ;
the votes given for a Governor and Council to be sealed up by the
clerk, and forwarded by him to the capital of the Province, where, all
the votes being had together, a sworn committee should examine the
whole, and declare the elections. This method, though it may appear
somewhat troublesome, will not prove to be so on trial. It is the most
effectual method to secure the freedom of voting, and prevent every
species of fraud.

Any persons who offer themselves as candidates for office, may,
agreeably to the method practised in Pennsylvania, publish their de-
sign in the newspapers, or communicate it in any other method they
may think proper, or leave the people to find out persons of merit, and
nominate for themselves. All civil officers should be appointed by the
three branches ; and all military officers by the^ Governor and Council,
and never superseded in commission, but by the same power which
created them. All laws negatived by a Governor, if revived after-
wards, and passed, by a new House and Council, to be assented to by
him at all events ; as it would be unreasonable to suppose two Houses
of Representatives, and two sets of Councillors, possessed of less wis-
dom, or to have less understanding of the true interests of the people,
than a single person, after time for reflection and to consult their con-
stituents.

And here I must beg leave to observe, that, however high other
people's notions of government may run, and however much they may
be disposed to worship a creation of their own, I can by no means con-
sent to lodging too much power in the hands of one person ; or suffering
an interest in government to exist separate from that of the people ; or
any man to hold an office, for the execution of which he is not, in some
way or other, answerable to that people to whom he owes his political
existence. Time will not permit me to go more largely into the sub-
ject, but I must leave you to weigh these hints, and make such im-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 21

provements thereon as your wisdom shall direct ; and, though my no-
tions of government are something singular, yet I think this plan will
be an improvement on the constitution, — by far the best that I know.
Where I have supposed a defect in that constitution, I have taken the
freedom to borrow from that of Pennsylvania and of other govern-
ments, to supply it, and, in some instances, have added my own
thoughts, which, if they have the force of reason in them, will have
their weight.

His correspondence has much of it perished : what remains
is widely dispersed ; but a letter to John Adams is selected
from what are accessible, which shows how actively he was
engaged : —

Camp on Winter Hill, Dec. 21, 1775.
Dear Sir, — Did not the hurry of our affairs prevent, I should often
write you respecting the state of our army ; but it has been my fortune
to be employed almost night and day. When I had Winter Hill nearly
completed, I was ordered to Ploughed Hill, where for a long time I was
almost day and night in fortifying. Twice have I been ordered to the
Eastward, to fortify and defend Piscataway Harbour ; but unfortunately
was obliged to return without an opportunity of proving the works I
had taken so much pains to construct. This being over, I was called
upon to raise 2,000 Troops from New Hampshire, and bring them on
the lines in ten days ; this I undertook, and was happy enough to per-
form ; otherwise the desertion of the Connecticut Troops might have
proved fatal to us. I might add that 3,000 from your Colony arrived
at the same time to supply the defect. This, with the other necessary
business in my Department, has so far engaged my time and attention
that I hope you will not require an apology for my not writing. I have
now many things to write, but must content myself with mentioning a
few of them at present, and leave the residue to another opportunity.
I will in the first place inform you that we have possession of almost
every advantageous post round Boston, from whence we might, with
great ease, bum or destroy the town, was it not that we fail in a very
trifling matter, namely, we have no powder to do it with. However,
as we have a sufficiency for our small arms, we are not without hope
to become masters of the town. Old Boreas and Jack Frost are now
at work building a bridge over all the rivers and bays, which once
completed, we take possession of the town, or perish in the attempt.
I have the greatest reason to believe I shall be saved, for my faith is

22 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

very strong. I have liberty to take possession of your house. Mrs.
Adams was kind enough to honor me with a visit the other day in
company with a number of other ladies and the Rev. Mr. Smith. She
gave me power to enter and take possession. There is nothing now
wanting but your consent, which I shall wait for till the Bridge is com-
pleted ; and, unless given before that time, shall make a forcible entry,
and leave you to bring your action. I hope in less than three weeks
to write you from Boston.

The prisoners taken in our privateer are sent to England for trial,
and so is Col. Allen. This is poor encouragement for our people to
engage in the service when the prisoners of the enemy are treated with
so much humanity and respect, and the law of retaliation not put in
force against them. I know you have published a declaration of that
sort ; but I never knew a man to feel the weight of chains and impris-
onment by mere declarations on paper; and, believe me, till their
barbarous use of our prisoners is retaliated, we shall be miserable.
Let me ask if we have anything to hope from the mercy of His
Majesty or his Ministers? Have we any encouragement from the
people in Great Britain ? Could they exert themselves more if we
had shaken off the yoke and declared ourselves independent? Why,
then, in God's name, is it not done? Whence arises this spirit of
moderation ? — this want of decision ? Do the members of your re-
spectable body think that the enemy will throw their shot and shells
with more force than at present ? Do they think the fate of Charles-
town or Falmouth might have been worse, or the King's Proclamation
more severe, if we had openly declared war ? Could they have treated
our prisoners worse if we were in open and avowed rebellion, than
they now do?

Why, then, do we call ourselves freemen, and act the part of timid
slaves ? I don't apply this to you — I know you too well to suspect
your firmness and resolution. But let me beg of you to use those
talents I know you possess to destroy that spirit of moderation which
has almost ruined, and, if not speedily rooted out, will prove the final
overthrow of America. That spirit gave them possession of Boston,
lost us all our arms and ammunition, and now causes our brothers
which have fallen into their hands to be treated like rebels. But
enough of this. I feel too sensibly to write more upon this subject.
I beg you to make my most respectful compliments to Mr. Hancock and
your brother delegates, also to Col. Lee and those worthy brethren
who laboured with us in the vineyard, when I had the honor to be with

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 23

you in the Senate. You may venture to assure them that when an
opportunity presents, if I should not have courage enough to fight my-
self, I shall do all in my power to encourage others.

It is not proposed to present any detailed account of his
services at the siege. In the archives of New Hampshire, at
Concord, are to be found numerous other communications
from him to the Assembly and Committee of Safety. They
prove him to have been busily employed in the performance
of the duties assigned him. When, at a later period, imjustly
censured, as again now, that four thousand men did not de-
feat thrice their number at Brandy wine, he alludes, as will be
seen in the sequel, to some of the services he rendered.

After the evacuation of Boston, l7th March, 1776, he took
command of the army in Canada, conducting the retreat be-
ginning with the fall of Montgomery at Quebec, and, in this
arduous service, displayed skill, prudence, and energy, to the
satisfaction of Washington and of Congress. When his com-
mand had been extricated from the perils, to which disease
and the great superiority of the enemy's forces in Canada had
exposed them, Gates was appointed to the northern army.
On the 12th of July, 1776, Sullivan took leave of his officers,
and they presented him an address on the occasion, which
evinces their sensibility to the dangers they had escaped,
and the esteem in which he was held by them.

We the field ofiicers of the several regiments composing the army
of the United Colonies in the northern department having been informed
of your Honors intended departure from hence esteem it would be
unpardonable in us to forego this opportunity of rendering the homage
due to him, who upon the late trying occasion has comforted sup-
ported and protected the shattered remains of a debilitated army and
*with unwearied care watchfuUness and attention has landed the public
stores of every kind without the least diminution safe at this place.
It is to you Sir the public are indebted for the preservation of their
property in Canada It is to you we owe our safety thus far. Your
humanity will call forth the silent tear and grateful ejaculation of the

24 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

sick ; your universal impartiality will force the applause of the wearied
soldier. Permit us then worthy Sir to take our leave wishing you
every happiness and success your most sanguine inclinations can sug-
gest, or our most fervent prayers procure. ^

[Signed by] John Moore, Joseph Celty, Enoch Poor, Matthew
Ogden, Nathan Fuller, William Bond, William de Haas, Israel Shrieve,
Elisha Porter, Moses Hazen, John McDuffee, T. *Alden, Seth Reed,
Anthony Wayne, John Stark. James Reed, John Greaton, William
Maxwell, Abner Morgan, Edward Antill, Thomas Poor, Charles Bur-
rell, Joseph Vose, John Patterson, Arthur St. Clair, David Rhea, Jona-
than Loring.

The names signed to this address are appended, as among
them will be recognized many distinguished in the subse-
quent campaigns, nearly all of them familiar to readers of its
annals. With most of these oflScers, he ever afterwards
maintained the most intimate and friendly relations ; and
their frequent expressions of affection and respect, at subse-
quent periods of the war, indicate how high he stood in their
estimation.

In the early part of August, he was promoted to the rank
of Major-General, and joined the main army under Washing-
ton, at New York. A British force, over thirty thousand
strong, had recently arrived from Halifax ; and, on the 22d,
General Howe landed fifteen thousand troops on Long Island,
increased by the 27th, the day of the battle, to twenty-four
thousand, besides which he had, to his great advantage, as
they were familiar with the country, a body of Loyalists,
under De Lancy. His object was the city of New York,
then occupied by the American army. Our success in com-
pelling the evacuation of Boston, and the recent intelligence
of Lee's good fortune in repulsing the British at Charleston,
tended to encouragement, though neither in numbers, organi-
zation, nor equipments were we at all equal to the enemy.*

As possession of the westerly portion of Long Island was

* See Appendix.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 25

indispensable to any eflfective operations against the city, it
was probable that that would be the first point of attack.
Washington occupied it with about nine thousand men, — as
many as he could prudently spare from his main force, — and
had caused lines of intrenchment to be constructed for their
protection.

Where Long Island approaches nearest to the city, Ihere
is a neck of land, about two miles and a half long, and con-
taining about fifteen hundred acres, which is capable of
being defended, on its eastern front, by works a mile and a
quarter in length. Two miles in front of these lines is a
range of hills, at points two hundred feet in elevation, some-
what irregular in their general course from north to south,
and intersected by defiles, through which, here and there, were
roads running from the shore to the neighboring villages.
As these heights commanded the interior lines about Walla-
bout Bay, it was necessary, for any efiective defence, that
they should be occupied. Greene had been in command, and,
with Sullivan and Stirling, engaged in fortifying them, when
he was taken ill of a fever, and compelled, on the 24th, to
leave the island. Sullivan succeeded; but, as there were
indications of an impending conflict with the enemy, to Put-
nam, whose age as well as seniority of commission was
considered to constitute a claim to the position next in re-
sponsibility to that of the commander-in-chief, was confided
the direction of our forces on the island.

While, if an effort were to be made to retain possession of
New York, it was important to oppose the approach of the
enemy at Brooklyn, his landing on the island might be used
as a feint merely to lure our forces thither, and, by the aid of
his fleet, the city be taken. This compelled the separation of
our army by the straits between the islands, and explains
why a force so inadequate was exposed.

While the British were concentrating their forces, the

heights were occupied by several of our regiments; and

26 THE MILITARY SERTICBS OP

sXirmishes occasionally occurred. But as the line of hills to
be guarded, extending from Yellow Hook, on the Jamaica
road, to what is now Greenwood Cemetery, was nearly six
miles in length, the force employed for the purpose was
wholly insufficient; What force we had, from some oversight
of Putnam, who disregarded the injunctions of Washington
and the advice of Sullivan, was not wisely distributed. Stir-
ling, as Sullivan says, was to have commanded outside the
lines; while to him was assigned the command, under Putnam
himself, of the five thousand within. As Putnam had reason
to believe the enemy would advance by the shore and the
Gowanus road, at half-past three, on the morning of the 27th,
he awoke Stirling in his tent, and sent him to oppose them.
Sullivan went out to the heights, in front of Flatbush, where
Hurd's, Parsons's, Hand's, and Miles's regiments were sta-
tioned, — General Woodhull, with a force of Long- Island
militia, keeping guard on the extreme left.

When he reached the front, he called for volunteers to
ascertain the position of the enemy, but, out of twelve se-
lected for the purpose, not one returned. In the plain at
Flatbush, Van Heister kept his attention occupied by his
artillery and occasional attacks in line. Meanwhile, Howe,
Clinton, CornwalHs, and Percy — who, with the principal por-
tion of the British army, had, the evening before, fallen back
to Flatlands, and thence made a circuit of several miles
during the night, sawing down the trees that obstructed
their march, lest the sound of the axe should betray their
design — had interposed themselves between the heights
and our interior lines, two or three miles in our rear. By
cutting ofi* all our patrols and detachments, they accom-
plished their object without our knowledge; and when,
at half-past eight, we discovered them, it was too late to
escape.

Of our force on the island, in all about nine thousand,
probably four thousand, including the fifteen hundred under

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLITAN. 27

Stirling, were on the Heights. Sullivan, when he found his
earlier anticipation fulfilled, and that his position was sur-
rounded, made a reconnoissance with four hundred men ;
and, as he was returning, found himself between Van Heis-
ter, who was pressing up from Flatbush, and Clinton at Bed-
ford. His small force fought well, in the woods, from half-
past nine till twelve, by which time they were killed or scat-
tered, and he himself was taken prisoner.

Mr. Bisbee, who was with Sullivan in the battle, states
that when his men, finding further resistance useless, dis-
persed, Sullivan, intending to sell his life as dearly as pos-
sible, rode toward the enemy, with the expectation of sharing
the fate of so many of his soldiers who had received no
quarter. As he approached, several Hessians, instructed in
capturing prisoners, contrived to arrest his course, render
useless his weapons, and lift him from the saddle.

Bancroft states (p. 91) that Sullivan's party fired with
nervous rapidity. Is it not possible the authority on which
this statement is made was that of the British officer, who,
in relating what occurred on the afternoon of the day before,
says that the force with which he was connected opposite
Flatbush, experiencing loss from the American batteries on
the heights, quietly withdrew into the woods behind the ine-
qualities of the ground, the shot striking the trees over their
heads ?

The Americans underrated the force opposed to them, —
some six times their number, — or they would have with-
drawn earlier within the lines. Howe over-estimated the
American force, or he would have proceeded at once to take
their lines by assault. The vigorous resistance by Stirling
on the right, and the desperation with which the left, as
they retired, disputed the ground with the Hessians, who
gave no quarter, led the British general, who remembered
the loss sustained in attacking our lines at Bunker Hill, to
make regular approaches. After two rainy days, Washington

28 THE HILITABY SEBYICES OF

withdrew his army on the 29th, leaving on the mind' of the
enemy the impression, that, though we might be defeated,
we could not be easily conquered.

Our loss was heavy, but not so great as might have b^en
expected under the circumstances, from the vast superiority
of the enemy and the mode in which we were surrounded.
Congress and public opinion alike demanded that Howe
should be resisted, it being deemed more judicious to sustain
a partial defeat than abandon New York without an eflFort.
The Island shore was high, and commanded the city. But the
force that could be spared to keep possession was wholly inad-
equate to guard any such extent of country, or prevent the
British, many times their number, from effecting their objects.
The inhabitants were loyalists, many of them in the British
camp; pickets and patrols were easily cut oflF; and twenty*
four thousand veterans, under accomplished officers, — such
as Howe, Cornwallis, Clinton, Erskine, Grant, Percy, and Van
Heister, — could find no great difficulty in environing and
defeating four thousand, if these ventured to oppose them.
That their resistance was creditable, — Sullivan's was de-
clared by the enemy to have been " gallant and persistent,"
Stirling's by all admitted to have been brave to the point of
heroism, — is proved by the hesitation of Howe to follow up
his advantage.

There were reasons enough for the result, without ascrib-
ing it to neglect to guard the Bedford road, — which both
Washington and Sullivan had repeatedly urged upon the
attention of Putnam, and which had in reality been provided
for, as well as the means at our disposal admitted, and in part
by the force of Woodhull, — or casting reproach upon hon-
orable men, who were risking life on the field and scaffold
to maintain the rights and liberties of their countrymen.
Sullivan certainly was vigilant, paying for some nights fifty
dollars from his own resources, to procure intelligence of the
enemy's movements.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 29

When candid minds remember, that it was no disgrace to
yield to superior numbers, arms, and artillery, it will seem
hardly worthy of an American historian to go out of his way to
assign imaginary reasons, why this and so many of our Revo-
lutionary battles, where the odds were fourfold against ns,
resulted as they did. The Americans effected all, and more
than all, that could have been expected under the circum-
stances ; but, in the excited state of the public mind, it was
human to attach blame to some one, in order to explain de-
feat. It was much to the honor of General Washington that
he never condescended to such injustice, or sought to build
up his own reputation by creating prejudice against his sub-
ordinates. It would be creditable to modern historians, eager
to attract attention to their books, if they were equally con-
scientious, and exhibited more of the fairness and candor
that distinguished Judge Marshall, in his earlier and more
reliable relation of the events of the Revolution.

Sullivan and Lord Stirling were taken, as prisoners, on
board the "Eagle," the flagship of Lord Howe, the British
admiral, who courteously received them. He agreed at once
to their exchange, Sullivan for General Prescott, who was
then at Philadelphia, where Congress was in session. The
conversation of the Admiral with his prisoners was frank and
friendly, expressing his wish, that such mutual concessions
might be made as would adjust the dispute. The previous
efforts of himself and his brother, the General, to open nego-
tiations, had been defeated at the threshold, as his instruc-
tions forbade his recognition of the Congress; and it was
now proposed, that their desire for a conference should be
informally communicated by Sullivan, who was to be released
on parole to effect his exchange.

Before consenting to communicate to Congress the proposi-
tion of Lord Howe, Sullivan consulted Washington, who gave
his approbation. This appears from the following note of
Lord Howe, addressed to Sullivan from on board the " Eagle,"
30th August, 1776, in which he says : —

30 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

Understanding, by your letter, that the only doubt of the propriety
of your going to Philadelphia is, by your conversation with General
Washington, removed, I do not see occasion to give you further trouble,
but to recommend the prosecuting of your journey as you were pleased
on that condition to propose.

Sullivan proceeded to Philadelphia; and, on Monday the
2d of September, Congress, being informed that he had come
with a design of communicating a message from Lord Howe,
ordered that he should be admitted, and, after a verbal com-
munication, he was desired to reduce it to writing. Its pur-
port, as submitted the following morning, was, that Lord
Howe could not at present treat with Congress as such, yet
was very desirous of having a conference with some of its
members, whom he would consider, for the present, only as
private gentlemen, and meet them himself in that character,
at any place they should appoint; that he, in conjunction
with General Howe, had full powers to compromise the
dispute between Great Britain and America, upon terms
advantageous to both, the obtaining of which had delayed
him two months iii England, and prevented his arrival before
the declaration of independence. That he wislied a com-
pact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow had
been struck, and neither party could say that they were com-
pelled to enter into such agreement. That, in case Congress
were disposed to treat, many things, which they had not yet
asked, might and ought to be granted them; and if, upon
the conference, they found any probable ground of accommo-
dation, the authority of Congress must be afterwards ac-
knowledged, otherwise the compact would not be complete.

On Thursday, Congress — resuming the consideration of
the report of the Board of War, of which Mr. John Adams
was chairman, and to which the communication would seem
to have been referred — resolved, that General Sullivan be
requested to inform Lord Howe, that the Congress, being the
representatives of the free and independent States of Amer-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 31

ica, cannot with propriety send any of its members to confer
with his lordship in their private charactet^s ; but that, ever
desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they
would send a committee of their body to know whether he
had any power to treat with persons authorized by Congress
for that purpose, in behalf of America, and what that au-
thority was, and to hear such propositions as he should think
fit to make respecting the same.

It was further resolved, that the President be desired to
write to General Washington, that it is the opinion of Con-
gress no proposals for making peace between Great Britain
and the United States of America ought to be received or
attended to, unless the same be made in writing, and ad-
dressed to the representatives of the said States in Congress,
or persons authorized by them ; and, if application be made
to him by any of the commanders of the British forces on that
subject, that he inform them, that these United States, which
had entered into the war only for the defence of their lives
and liberties, would cheerfully agree to peace on reasonable
terms, wheniever such should be proposed to them in manner
aforesaid.

His exchange for General Prescott, and that of Lord Stir-
ling for Brigadier-General McDonald, having been assented
to on the previous day, Sullivan was requested to convey to
Lord Howe the first resolution. On Friday, Dr. Franklin,
John Adams, and Mr. Rutledge were elected a committee to
" be sent to know whether Lord Howe had any authority to
treat with persons authorized by Congress for that purpose
in behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear
such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the
same." The conference was held on the following Wednesday,
Sept. 11, on Staten Island, opposite Amboy ; and the report
of the committee, submitted on the 17th, states at length
what took place. The only explicit proposition was, that the
Colonies should return to their allegiance : the rest consisted

32 THE MILITART SERYICES OF

of assurances that the offensive Acts of Parliament should be
revised, and instructions to governors reconsidered. They
had replied, that it was then too late ; that they had been
patient under the tyrannical government, till the late Act of
Parliament had declared war against them, and they had
declared their independence: the Colonies now considered
themselves independent states, and it was not in the power
of Congress to agree for them that they should return to
their former dependent state ; and that General Howe might
more readily obtain fresh powers from home to treat with
them as independent states, than they could any authority
from the several Colonies to consent to submission.

The conference resulted as might have been expected ; but
it by no means follows that the proposition by Howe for
holding it should not have been entertained. Many gentle-
men, — in wisdom and services as efficient in the field, as
either of the committee in the Congress, in securing independ-
ence, — and among them Washington and Greene, approved
both of the course of Sullivan in making the communication,
and of that taken by Congress in disposing of it. Had Lee
been captured at Antietam or Gettysburg ; and the Federal
Administration suggested in confidence to him, upon hie ex-
change, a proposition to the Confederate Congress for such a
conference as took place in the winter of 1865, — it would not
only have been far from derogatory for Lee to have commu-
nicated it, but culpable in him to have declined.

Mr. Bancroft — in his severe denunciation of what was a
very simple and natural thing to do, for any one who was
a prisoner in a civil war — loses sight, not only of what is
just, but of what is dignified. It does not matter much
now to General Sullivan, nor will it affect his historical
position among those who are familiar with the events and
characters of the Revolution, what Mr. Bancroft may think
of his discretion. The majority of sensible readers will be
puzzled to recognize any logical connection between the terms

MAJ0B-6ENEBAL JOHN SULLIYAN. 33

and the facts, and will conclude, upon the whole, that after a
serious defeat, with a victorious army against us of double
the strength of any we had to oppose to it, the chance
of establishing independence was not so great as it had
been ; and that, if we could make peace upon the terms we ,
had always before the war insisted upon, — namely, allegiance
to the Crown, chartered rights inviolate, independence of
Parliament, — it was worthy of consideration. At all events,
time was gained to recover our vigor, discouraging by nego-
tiation the activity of the enemy, and obtaining recognition
as belligerents, which, in the event of disaster, might have
s^ved even Washington himself from the scaffold.

That Lord Howe did not divulge any such powers at the
subsequent conference with Adams, Franklin, and Rutledge,
the Committee of Congress appointed in pursuance of his
overture for negotiation, is neither reason nor argument that
he did not possess them. As the committee insisted through-
out upon independence as the only admissible basis of nego-
tiation, there was no occasion to do so. If the control of
Parliament over any adjustment was likely to be paramount,
it must be remembered, that Magna Charta and the settle-
ment of 1688 had always been constitutionally regarded as
concessions from the prerogative, that the treaty-making power
vested in the Crown, and that, if terms had been concluded
under the powers lodged with the Howes by the king and
his cabinet, upon the principle that legislation and represen-
tation, in all cases whatsoever, should go together, or upon
such a system of government as that, at this time, proposed
, to be carried out in the Canadas^ Parliament would probably
have assented or acquiesced. It was, therefore, no indiscre-
tion in Sullivan to repose the most implicit confidence in the
assurances given him, that adequate powers were possessed
by the Howes to effect an accommodation ; or inconsistency in
them to intimate as much on board the " Eagle," in confiden-

3^4 THE lOLITARY SERVICES OF

tial intercourse, and yet not make their full powers to treat
known when the formal conference took place.

As it was simply intended, that Sullivan should communi-
cate, in an informal manner, an overture for negotiation
through such conference, only to be held if sanctioned by
Congress, it was wholly unnecessary that he should have
received any written instructions ; indeed, instructions were
wholly out of the case. He, as one of the acting parties, was
receiving himself a proposition, affecting his associates as well
as himself, and compromising no one, upon which he merely
consented to consult. To deny the propriety of such a course
in civil war, would be to close the door to all negotiation;
and, if our affairs had been as desperate as they looked at
that particular crisis, with thirty thousand men in the field
against half that number, in the event of further disaster,
it would have subjected all concerned in the rebellion to the
mercy of the conquerors upon unconditional surrender.

In the freedom of confidential intercourse with his old
associates of the Congress, not probably more than forty in
number, General Sullivan stated with entire frankness all
that had occurred on board the vessel, as ho doubt it was
the wish of Lord Howe, and his manifest duty as an officer
appointed under their authority, that he should. When
requested to commit to writing what he understood Lord
Howe to propose, he was cautious and guarded, and no
exceptions were or could be taken to his words. Subse-
quently, at the conference, Rutledge, in repeating from recol-
lection, gave a force and color to what SuUivan had said
several days before in his oral communication, which Howe^
claimed was beyond the natural import of his language. Of
course, he meant if Sullivan had been correctly reported ; but
any fair and generous mind, knowing how easily expressions
may be misinterpreted or erroneously recalled, would never
think of impeaching character or impugning veracity on
grounds so unsubstantial.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 35

It should be borne in mind, that recourse was had to this
indirect mode of opening communications, always of advan-
tage to belligerents, and especially in civil war, in conse-
quence of the prohibition of the British Government to the
Howes to recognize the Congress. General Washington knew
what was intended, and did not consider it proper that the mili-
tary authority should prevent an appeal to the civil power.
It would not only have been churlish towards Howe, to decline
communicating what was a mere overture for a conference ;
but it would have been an imprudent oversight to have-
neglected so valuable an opportunity of ascertaining the ex-
tent of the boasted powers of the Commissioners, as well as a
reflection upon the ability and wisdom of Congress to decide
what their public duty demanded. They concluded to accept
the proposition, and improved it to disabuse their constituents
of any expectation of satisfactory concessions, thus gaining
time needed for re-organization after defeat, and inspiring a
more determined spirit to persevere in the contest.
. All condemn, now, the want of wisdom of the Confederate
leaders in declining, at Fortress Monroe, the terms proposed
by* Mr. Lincoln. In numerous wars, and especially those of a
civil character, peace has been brought about by informal
propositions. Humanitj'^ demands that no reasonable means
should be neglected to stay the useless effusion of blood. Sul-
livan had been a respected member of the Congress. Settle-
ment of the difficulty was as much an affair of New Hampshire
as of Massachusetts. John Adams, fearing re-action^ might
have said, that he wished a bullet had passed through the brain
of the emissary, as Mr. Bancroft courteously calls him. But
this was simply his mode of expressing his extreme unwilling-
ness to enter into any negotiation with the British Govern-
ment, rather than an indication of an impaired confidence in
the integrity or patriotism of that emissary. His relations
with Sullivan, then and throughout the war, seem to have been
respectful and friendly; and, a few days later, he himself was

36 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

not unwilling to go with Franklin and Rutledge to confer with
Howe on the same business, though as much convinced when
he went,. as before or afterwards, that no propositions would
be inade which were based on the independence of the States.
Besides, a few years later, he writes that he would gladly
exchange all prospects of success in the war for the condition
existing before the commencement of hostilities. "We think,
therefore, that the whole passage in Mr. Bancroft's volume,
to which we have 'referred, betrays an unreasonable prejudice
on the part of the writer against General Sullivan.

In October and November, Sullivan was with Washington,
in Westchester County; and, after the army crossed the
Hudson, he was placed under the orders of Lee. When the
latter was taken prisoner, on the 13th of December, Sullivan
forthwith obeyed the orders of Washington to join him at
Newtown, opposite Trenton ; and, having crossed the Dela^
ware at Easton, he eiFected, on the 20th, a junction with the
main army. The same day, Gates arrived with five hundred
men, — all that remained of four New-England regiments.
Immediate measures were taken for the surprisal of Rahl at
Trenton; and on the 25th, at three o'clock, with twenty-four
hundred men, — one-half of his whole army, — Washington
marched to MacKonkey's ferry, and, by three o'clock in the
morning of the 26th, had crossed the river. It was bitterly
cold ; and a storm of snow and hail set in as they started for
a nine-miles' march to Trenton. Sullivan commanded the
right wing, on the river-road ; Greene, the left : and both
reached Trenton nearly at the same moment, — at eight
o'clock. The surprise was complete. Rahl was defeated and
mortally wounded ; and Washington recrossed the Delaware,
with nine hundred prisoners.

When, on the 30th, Washington again crossed the Delaware
into Jersey, taking post at Trenton, and found Cornwallis in
his front, too strong to attack with any reasonable chance of
success, he moved, in the night of the 2d of January, towards

MAJ0R<<;ENEBAL JOHN SULUTAN. 37

Princeton. On his way, several British regiments were en-
countered, General Mercer, one of our most promising oflScers,
was fatally wounded, Colonel Mawhood was repulsed by
Washington in person, and the Fortieth and Fifty-fifth were
pursued by Sullivan to the College, whence, after slight re-
sistance, they fled to Brunswick, nearly two hundred (194)
of them being taken prisoners.

During the next six months, Sullivan was busily engaged
in front of the main army, which lay during the winter at
Morristown ; and at that season, incessantly vigilant, he kept
the British at Brunswick and Amboy, many times his num-
ber, from marauds.

In a spirit of rivalry in the army, — falling far short of any
bitterness of feeling, though not always so in Congress, — the
palm of valor was disputed between the South and the North.
In a letter of this period, Feb. 13, 1777, to Meshech Weare,
President of the Assembly of New Hampshire, he writes, " You
Doay want to know how your men fight. I tell you, exceed-
ingly well, when they have proper officers. I have been
much pleased to see a day approaching to try the difference
between Yankee cowardice and Southern valor. The day, or
rather the days, have arrived. . . . General Washington made
no scruple to say, publicly, that the remnant of the Eastern
regiments were the strength of his army, though their num-
bers, comparatively speaking, were but small. He calls them
in front when the enemy are there ; he sends them to the rear
when the enemy threatens that way. All the general officers
allow them to be the best of troops. The Southern officers
and soldiers allow it in time of danger, but not at all other
times. Believe me. Sir, the Yankees took Trenton before the
other troops knew any thing of the matter. More than that,
there was an engagement ; and, what will surprise you still
more, the line that attacked the town consisted of but eight
hundred Yankees, and there were sixteen hundred Hessians
to oppose them. At Princeton, when the Seventeenth regi-

38 . THE HIUTABT 8ERyiC£& OF'

ment had thrown thirty-five hundred Southern militia into
the utmost confusion, a regiment of Yankees restored the
day. This General Mifflin confessed to me, though the Phila-
delphia papers tell us a different story. It seemed to have
been quite forgotten, that, while the Seventeenth was enga-
ging these troops, six hundred Yankees had the town to take
against the Fortieth and Fifty-fifth regiments, which they did
without loss, owing to the manner of attack. But enough of
this. I do not wish to reflect, but beg leave to assure youj
that newspapers, and even letters, do not always speak the
truth."

As the summer advanced, the British general, after various
efforts to cross through New Jersey, which were as often dis-
concerted, embarked twenty thousand men for a destination
for several weeks conjectured, but not known. Sullivan lay
at Hanover, about twenty miles from Staten Island, whence
frequent forays had been made by the enemy on the main.
Earlier in the spring, an expedition, sent from New YorJc
against Danbury, in Connecticut, had been very destructive;
the banks of the Hudson frequently harried ; and New Jersey
visited by marauding parties, and peaceable citizens plun-
dered or carried off. Ascertaining, that, while sixteen hun-
dred European regulars were at the northerly end of the
Island, about eight miles off, near New Brighton, one thou-
sand loyal militiamen were scattered at different posts along
the shore, he arranged with his officers an expedition to
capture the latter.

Ogden says the plan was well concerted, and perfectly con-
sistent. The enemy were put to rout, and many prisoners were
taken, with little loss. From a mistake of Smallwood's guide,
who led him, in the obscurity of the night, in front, instead
of to the rear, of one of the regiments, the regulars became
aware of their presence on the island ; and, following them
to the boats, attacked the rear guard left to pick up strag-
glers from the ranks. The guard " sold themselves dear,** it

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN STJLLIYAN. 39

is said, and, after vigorous resistance and some loss, about
two hundred were compelled to surrender. Sullivan brought
away with him from the island twenty-eight civilians, in
retaliation for similar treatment, as above mentioned, towards
the friends of independence.

Judge Marshall says, "The enterprise was well planned,
and, in its commencement, happily executed ; " " but the boats
were insuflScient." The boats that carried the force to the
island were certainly capable of bringing them back, and
would have done so in safety, had it not been for a laxity of
discipline on the part of his subordinates, which Sullivan, by
the strictest orders, had done what he could to prevent.
Moreover, Ogden had taken possession of a small vessel, upon
which were placed his prisoners ; and their red uniforms led
the boatmen to suppose her an armed vessel of the enemy,
and to keep off. Similar enterprises, some attended with the
happiest results and consequently familiar, others baffled and
forgotten, were constantly occurring ; and, if ever likely to
prove successful, it was at that very conjuncture, when the
British army was at sea.

When the expedition was subsequently subjected to inves-
tigation, the Court of Inquiry, composed of Generals Stirling,
MacDougall, and Knox, Colonels Spenser and Clark, held
Oct. 12, were unanimously of opinion, —

"That the expedition against the enemy on Staten Island
was eligible, and promised great advantage to the cause of
America ;

" That it was well concerted, and the orders for the execu-
tion proper ; and would have succeeded, with reputation to
the general and his troops, had it not in some measure been
rendered abortive by accidents, which were out of the power
of the general to foresee or prevent ;

" TRat General Sullivan was particularly active in embark-
ing the troops to the island, and took every precaution in his
power to bring them oif; That. he made early provision at

40 THE MILITARY SEBYTCE? OP

Elisabethstown for refreshing the troops of his division, when
they returned to Jersey ;

" And, upon the maturest consideration of the evidence in
the possession of this Court, General Sullivan's conduct, in
planning and executing the expedition, was such, that, in
the opinion of this Court, he deserves the approbation of the
country, and not its censure.

" The Court, therefore, are unanimously of opinion, that he
ought to stand honorably acquitted of any unsoldierlike con-
duct in the expedition to Staten Island."

This decision was signed by all the members of the Court ;
and Congress resolved that the result, so honorable to Gen-
eral Sullivan, was highly pleasing to themselves, and that the
opinion of the Court should be published in justification of
that injured officer.

Had the result been, as might have been reasonably an-
ticipated, the capture of the thousand loyal militiamen, it
would have been considered a very sensible enterprise. Our
general officers were encouraged to activity, and to embrace
all similar occasions of inflicting loss on the enemy, by the
leading men of the time ; and the letter of John Adams to
Sullivan, given in his Biography (Works, i. 259), probably
made him emulous to do all in his power.

The mischances of the night were not to be guarded
against, and ought not to work to the prejudice of Sullivan.
He had taken part in an expedition of a similar character,
eight months before, at Trenton, which had redounded to the
honor of all who were engaged, proving of infinite advantage
to the cause for which we were contending. It also bore many
points of resemblance to his first exploit, the attack on Port
"William and Mary, at Portsmouth, in December, 1774, — by
many considered as the earliest hostile proceeding against the
Crown. Bunker Hill, Dorchester Heights, Trenton, l^rince-
ton, Germantown, were similar night movements, suggested
by opportunity, and depending on secrecy for success ; and.

HiLJOH-GEKEBAL JOBN SULLITAN. 41

had this been attended with the good fortune reasonably to
have been anticipated, it would have redounded as much as
Trenton to the credit of our arms.

The following letter to Hancock explains, in a measure, the
malign spirit with which he had to contend in the discharge
of his duty : —

Gamp on Metvchin Hills, Oct. 17th, 1777.

Dear Sir, — I do myself the honor to enclose Congress a copy of the
result of a Court of Inquiry, respecting my conduct on Staten Island,
after perusing which and examining the evidence sent by me in a former
letter, Congress must be at some loss, to know how it was possible for
lit. Col. Smith, and Major Taylor, to write so warmly against me, to
their friends in Congress when there was no colour for it. I shall now
give Congress the key to it, and it will no longer remain a mystery. On
the 13th August, last, when my Division lay at Hanover, these two gentle-
men attacked Major Sherbum who acted as Deputy Adjutant- General,
on the Public Parade, before all the soldiers, about the severity of the
duty, averring that there was no necessity of picquets, or out-guards,
as we were in a friend's country and the enemy at such a distance.
This was said with heat on the one side, and replied to with as much
warmth on the other; I was much surprised at hearing so dangerous a
doctrine had been advanced by field officers before the soldiers of my
Division. I knew it was an established rule among military men to
use the same precautions in a friend's country, as in an enemy's ; for a
relaxation or neglect of duty has proved the destruction of many
armies. The fate of Hannibal after his troops had tasted the delights
of Capua, was a striking instance of the evil tendency which follows
such neglect. I therefore on the next day, issued orders to my Divi-
sion, which you have, enclosed. This matter being known throughout
the division, it was early perceived against whom they were pointed.
This was by them deemed unpardonable, and, I suppose, retaliation
determined upon.

But no opportunity offered till the affair of Staten Island. They
immediately began to make a party against me, in which they were
warmly seconded by General de Borre. This, Sir, was the foundation
of all the clamor raised against me; and every engine was set at work
to raise a report throughout the country, that my officers in general
were dissatisfied with my conduct. This report coming to the hearing
of the officers, they have met on the occasion, and the .regiments have

42 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

many of them delivered in, and the others are making out papers,
similar to the one you have, enclosed, from Col. Ford's. I believe
some officers in llazen's will not do it ; but many of them have, and some
conclude by saying that if they were as happy with the field officers
of his regiment as with me, they would be as happy as they could wish.
I hope, after having dealt thus openly with Congress, and laid every
thing before them, the party who have arisen up against me, will at
least be sensible that they have injured me without cause. I am happy
that my conduct in military life thus far will bear the strictest scrutiny,
and every inquiry into it will redound to my honour. But I. am far
from expecting this always to be the case. I well know that I am in
common with the rest of mankind liable to errors, and it must be a
miracle if I escape them all. At the same time, though at a distance
from the Senate, I know there is a party who would improve the first
[opportunity ?] to work my ruin. This was the only motive that in-
duced me to ask to retire from the army. It was not because I was
weary of serving my country, but to rescue my reputation from ruin.
It is exceedingly hard for me to fight against the enemies of my coun-
try, and at the same time combat with the very persons I am fighting for.
The last action took off half of my [military] family, perhaps the next
may sweep the residue, and involve me in their fate ; and, what is still
more deplorable, my reputation may unjustly perish by my side. This is
a poor encouragement to sacrifice that life which I have often ventured
in my Country's cause, and to exchange domestic ease for the dusty
field of Mars. But as every American looks up to Congress, for jus-
tice, I cannot persuade myself that it will refuse, either to approve my
conduct publicly, or grant me leave to retire from the army.

The following is the account of the expedition by Mar-
shall : —

" The force of the enemy on the island amounted to between two or
three thousand men, of whom nearly one thousand were Provincials,
who were stationed at different places on the coast, opposite the Jersey
shore. The British and German troops, amounting to sixteen hun-
dred men, were in a fortified camp, near the Watering Place. Gen-
eral Sullivan thought it practicable to surprise and bring off the
Provincials before they could be supported by the European troops ;
and he was the more stimulated to make the attempt by their occa-
sional incursions into Jersey. In one of these, very lately made, they
had carried off a number of cattle and about twelve individuals noted

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 48

for their attachment to the American cause. This expedition was
undertaken with the select troops of his division, aided by a few Jer-
sey militia, under Colonel Frelinghuysen.

" They had to march about twenty miles to the place of embarka-
tion, where only six boats had been procured. Three of these were
allotted to Colonel Ogden, who commanded one detachment intended to
attack Colonel Lawrence, who lay near The Old Blazing Star ferry, and
Colonels Dungan and Allen, who lay about two miles from each other,
towards Amboy. The other three were taken by General De Borre,
who was accompanied by Sullivan in person, and who was to attack
Colonel Barton, near The New Blazing Star ferry, and having secured
that party, to assist Ogden. General Small wood was to cross at Hal-
sey's Point, and attack Buskirk's regiment, which lay near Decker's,
Ferry. All the troops crossed over into the island, before day, without
being perceived by the enemy. From being misconducted by his
guides, Small wood began his attack on a different point from that
which he intended, in consequence of which the regiment he attacked
made its escape ; but Ogden and De Borre succeeded in a very con-
siderable extent. Lawrence and Barton were completely surprised ;
and both of them, wiih several of their officers and men, were taken.

" The alarm being given, it was necessary to use the utmost dispatch
in drawing his forces off the island. It had been impracticable to ob-
tain a sufficient number of boats to embark them all at the same time ;
and some confusion appears to have prevailed in this part of the busi-
ness. General Campbell, with a considerable force advanced upon
them ; and the rear-guard (about two hundred) after defending them-
selves for some time with great gallantry, finding the boats could not
be brought back to take them over the channel, were under the neces-
sity of surrendering prisoners of war. The enterprise seems to have
been well planned, and, in its commencement, to have been happily
executed. Its disastrous conclusion is most* probably attributable to
the want of a sufficient number of boats, without which' the expedition
ought not to have been undertaken." — Life of Washington,

Mr. Bancroft says, disingenuously, that Sullivan could not,
in consequence of the descent on Staten Island, obey the
orders which met him on his return, to join Washington with
all speed. In a week, he moved three thousand men from
Hanover to the Elk, — one hundred and thirty miles, proba-
bly more than less. Howe, with twenty thpusand men, had

44 THE laUTABT SERTICSS OF

effected his landing bj the 26th of AugBst, and on th&
11th of September, was at Kennett Square, seven miles
south of the Brandywine, and thirty south from Philadelphia,
of which city it was his aim to possess himself. Washington,
on the north side of the river, with his centre at Chad's Ford,
on the direct route to the city, had eleven thousand men,
poorly armed or recent levies. Maxwell commanded the left,
down the river; Sullivan the right, above, having under him,
besides his own division, those of Stirling and Stephen, with
Hazen's regiment stationed three miles higher up.

Sullivan, in conversation and by letter, had previously
expressed his opinion to Washington, that Howe, as a sensi-
ble officer, would cross the river above the forks. Knyphau-
sen, with half the British army, early in the morning, marched
towards the river, and engaged Washington's attention with
his artillery and occasional attacks in force. At the same
time, he occupied the right bank of the Brandywine, screen-
ing from observation the march of Howe and Cornwallis, who,
at daybreak, had started up the Lancaster road. The morn-
ing was foggy ; and their march, from six to ten miles from
the river, lay through thick woods and uneven ground, well
guarded on their flanks. Sullivan had but four horsemen,
two of whom were needed to keep up communication with
headquarters, two miles below, and three-quarters of a mile
from Chad's Ford. It was difficult, therefore, to ascertaia
the movement of the hostile forces; and Washington re-
mained several hours in suspense.

In a foot-note on page 395 of Mr. Bancroft's volume,
Sparks's "Washington" (vol. v. p. 109) is cited to prove that
the responsibility devolved exclusively on Sullivan to obtain
intelligence ; and it purports, that the letter cited corrects a
misstatement of his on that point. The candid reader, on
reference to that authority, will find that the letter, on the
contrary, confirms his statement, and that it was alike the
constant effort of both Washington and Sullivan, that anxious

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 45

morning, to obtain intelligence ; and what was actually brought
to them was as full and frequent as circumstances could have
warranted them to expect.

Towards noon came an express from Sullivan to head-
quarters, that Howe, with a large body of troops and a park
of artillery, was pushing up the Lancaster road. Washing-
ton ordered Sullivan to cross the Brandywine at Brenton's
Ford, near which he was stationed, and to attack the British
left. While preparing, in obedience to these orders, to cross
the river, Major Spear* came in and informed him, that he
had just come down from the Lancaster road, and the country
where the British should have been, if coming round by the
upper fords, and that they were nowhere to be seen. Sulli-
van thought Spear must be mistaken, but felt bound to trans-
mit this with all speed to headquarters, as Washington said,
in the sequel, he was perfectly right in doing. The move-
ment might well have been a feint to lure us to meet the
whole British army. That Washington so reasoned, is plain
from the fact, that he did not send back immediate word, as
be might have done in twenty minutes, to cross notwithstand-
ing. One hour at least passed on unimproved by Washington,
while awaiting more positive information, when Cheyney
came in to confirm the earlier intelligence.

It seems reasonable to believe that the information of
Colonel Ross and Colonel Bland, that Howe had marched
towards the forks, reached Washington soon after eleven.
His order to Sullivan to cross was not later than half-past.
By twelve, the reports of Major Spear and Sergeant Tucker,
that the earlier intelligence was a mistake, were forwarded ;
and by one, certainly, orders could have been sent to Sullivan
still to cross, had Washington deemed it advisable. It was
after two when thQ fact became known to Washington, that
the British army was actually coming down the left bank

* Most of the authorities write Spear; one of the lat.er (Irving) Spicer.

46 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

of the Brandywine. Ill-natured historians, eager to find
fault, overlook completely the fact, that Colonel Hazen, who
with his regiment was stationed three miles above Sullivan,
up the river, was the person mainly relied upon for knowledge
of any movement of the enemy in that direction.

As the proposed movement was based on information pre-
viously communicated, in reality correct, but now contra-
dicted on authority equally entitled to respect, Sullivan would
have been deservedly blamed if he had hesitated to transmit
it, and the army had crossed to encounter the whole British
force, double its numbers, with a river but partially fordable
in its rear, and, as inevitably would have been the case un-
less by a miracle, been defeated.

Reasoning from the facts, as in reality they were, if Sulli-
van had crossed, and with Washington attacked Knyphausen,
the force left at Kennett Square was nearly equal to what
would have been engaged against it ; and the contest could
easily have been prolonged until Howe had reached our rear
and enveloped us. It is useless to conjecture probabilities,
except so far as they bear upon the claim to credit for pru-
dence and military sagacity of those who no doubt took them
into account in forming their conclusions. But it would
seem that a kind Providence saved us on that day from a ter-
rible blunder, if not the loss of our cause, by keeping us on
the left bank of the Brandywine. We fought because public
opinion demanded it. It would have been a folly, with such
odds, to have expected a victory. The resistance made,
although resulting in retreat, was still a step in advance
towards independence.

What followed we give in Sullivan's own language, in a
letter which we claim to be the best evidence as to the facts
related, because proceeding from him who had the best op-
portunity of knowing the truth ; whose character for , honor
cannot be impeached ; and where deception, had he been dis-
posed to deceive, would have been impossible, from the whole

MAJOB-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 47

army of witnesses to whom the incidents of the battle were
perfectly familiar. We feel assured that no candid or com-
petent judge, after reading it, will remain of the opinion,
either that Sullivan made too wide a circuit, had any question
of etiquette with Stirling or Stephen as to the post of honor,
moved his division from half a mile to the left to their right,
or that he was otherwise than worthy of all respect for his
military capacity, and his natural and acquired qualifications
as a general officer and commander, in critical moments re-
quiring coolness and judgment. If we had many better
oflScers than Sullivan, the standard in our Revolutionary
struggle was a most unusual one.

The letter to which reference has been made is the follow-
ing : —

Camp on Pebkiomt, Sept. 27, 1777.

Much Esteemed Sir, — I have long been soliciting for a court of
inquiry into my conduct in the expedition against Staten Island. I had
applied to the commander-in-chief for one before. I know Congress
had ordered it ; but such has been the state of our arms, that I have
not beeii able to obtain one, and know not when I shall have it in my
power. I however take the freedom to transmit Congress copies of the
testimonies I mean to lay before the court, which I beg Congress to
peruse ; and they can be at no loss what must be the result of an impar-
tial court. I am, however, happy in the assurance, that the evidence
will remove every suspicion from the minds of the membera of Con-
gress, and from the court, if ever I should be so happy as to obtain one ;
and I shall take the proper steps to remove the effects from the minds
of Americans at large. I was ever at a loss to find what great evil
happened from this expedition, unless a spirit of enterprise 'is deemed
a fault ; if so, I think it will need hut few resolves of Congress to destroy
what remains of it in our army.

In this expedition, we landed on an island possessed by the enemy ;
put to rout six regiments ; killed, wounded, and made prisoners at least
four or five hundred of the enemy ; * vanquished every party that col-

• There is no more frequent subject of dispute in history than rejrarding the number
of combatants, the dead, wounded, or missing. Returns are rarely exact; and, except
in rare instances, where system is unusually thorough, much is lefl to conjecture. It

48 THE KILITABT SEBYICES OF

lected against us ; destroyed them great quantities of stores ; took one
vessel and destroyed six ; took a considerable number of arms, blank-
ets, many cattle, horses, &c. ; marched victorious through the island ;
and, in the whole course of the day, lost not more than one hundred
and fifty men, most of which were lost by the imprudence of them-
selves and officers. Some few, indeed, were lost by cross accidents,
which no human foresight could have prevented.

Whether Congress will take any steps against persons who have
thus scandalously imposed their falsehoods upon them, I shall not
inquire. I find it necessary for me to take the proper steps to do
myself justice, which I know the impartial part of mankind will justify.
I was Ftill more astonished to find, that, upon the vague report of a
single person, who pretends to know all about the late battle of Brandy-
wine, though I am confident he saw but little of it. Congress should
suddenly pass a resolve, to suspend me from the service, which resolve
was afterwards rescinded. If the reputation of general officers is
thus to be sported with, upon every vague and idle report, those ivho
set less by their reputation than myself must continue in the service.
Nothing can be more mortifying to a man who is conscious of having
done every thing in his power for the good of his country, — has wasted
his strength, and often exposed his life, in the service of it, than to
find the representatives thereof, instead of bestowing on him the re-
ward of his services, loading him with blame, infamy, and reproach^
upon the false representations of a single person, who felt as little of
the severity of the engagement, as he knows about the disposition
of our troops or that of the enemy.

I enclose Congress the testimony of those brave and experienced
officers, who with me endured the hottest of the enemy's fire.

I have never endeavored to establish my reputation by my own
pen ; nor have I, according to the modem custom, employed others for
the purpose ; neither have I adopted the still more infamous method,
of raising my own reputation by destroying that of others. I have
always contented myself with a consciousness of having done my duty

was a part of even Washington's policy, full of trath and honor as he was, to mis-
lead the enemy; and the British officers frequently under or over stated, either from
design or mistake. If this number seems large, it is quite as likely to be exact as what
was stated by the enemy disposed to conceal the extent of their loss, or of persons,
frOiU malevolent motives, eager to depreciate the results. Of course in this number are
included the prisoners of Ogden, who, if we may judge from his own correspondence,
was not in an independent command, as stated by Bancroft, but formed part of that of
General Sullivan.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLITAN. 49

with "fisiithfulness ; but, being constrained to say something at this time
respecting the late battle and some other matters, I hope Congress
will look upon it rather as the effect of necessity, than any desire of
making a merit of my services.

I never yet have pretended that my disposition in the late battle
was perfect ; I knew it was very far from it : but this I will venture to
affirm, that it was the best which time would allow me to make. At half-
past two, I received orders to march with my division, — to join with,
and take command of, that and two others to oppose the enemy, who
were coming down on the right flank of our army. I neither knew
where the enemy were, nor what route the other two divisions were to
take, and of course could not determine where I should form a junc-
tion with them. I began my march in a few minutes after I received
my orders, and had not marched a mile when I met Colonel Hazen and
his regiment, which had been stationed at a ford three miles above
me, who informed that the enemy were close upon his heels, and that I
might depend that the principal part of the British army were there ;
although I knew the report sent to headquarters made them but two
brigades. As I knew Colonel Hazen to be an old officer and a good
judge of numbers, I gave credence to his report, in preference to the
intelligence before received. While I was conversing with Colonel
Hazen, and our troops still upon the march, the enemy headed us in the
road, about forty rods from our advanced guard. I then found it neces-
sary to turn off to the right to form, and so got nearer to the other two
divisions, which I at that moment discovered drawn up on an emi-
nence, both in the rear and to the right of the place I then was at. I
ordered Colonel Hazen's regiment to pass a hollow way, file off to the
right, and £ace, to cover the artillery. The enemy, seeing this, did not
press on, but gave me time to form my division on an advantageous
height, in a line with the other divisions, but almost half a mile to the
left.

I then rode on to consult the other general officers, who, upon
receiving information that the enemy were endeavoring to outflank us
on^the right, were unanimously of opinion, that my division should be
brought on to join the others, and that the whole should incline further
to the right, to prevent our being outflanked ; but while my division
was marching on, and before it was possible for them to form to ad-
vantage, the enemy pressed on with rapidity and attacked them, which
threw them into some kind of confusion. I had taken post myself in

the centre, with the artiUery, and ordered it to play briskly to stop the

^0 THE MILITARY SEBYICES OF

progress of the enemy, and to give the broken troops time to rally and
form in the rear of where I was with the artillery. I sent off four
aide-de-camps for this purpose, and went myself; but all in vain. No
sooner did I form one party, but that which I bad before formed ran
off, and even at times when I, though on horseback and in front of
them, apprehended no danger. I then left them to be rallied by their own
officers and my aide-de-camps ; I repaired to the hill where our artil-
lery was, which by this time began to feel the effects of the enemy's fire.
This hill commanded both the right and left of our line, and, if
carried by the enemy, I knew would instantly bring on a total rout,
and make a retreat very difficult. I therefore determined to hold it
as long as possible, to give Lord Stirling's and General Stephen's
divisions, which yet stood firm, as much assistance from the artillery as
possible, and to give Colonel Hazen's, Dayton's, and Ogden's regiments,
which still stood firm on our left, the same advantage, and to cover the
broken troops of my division, and to give them an opportunity to rally,
and come to our assistance, which some of them did, and others could
not by their officers be brought to do any thing but fly. The enemy
soon began to bend their principal force against the hill, and the fire
was close and heavy for a long time, and soon became general. Lord
Stirling and General Conway, with their aide-de-camps, were with me
on the hill, and exerted themselves beyond description to keep up the
troops. Five times did the enemy drive our troops from the hill, and
as often was it regained, and the summit often disputed almost muzzle
to muzzle. How far I had a hand in this, and whether I endured the
hottest of the enemy's fire, I cheerfully submit to the gentlemen who
were with me. The general fire of the line lasted an hour and forty-
minutes ; fifty-one minutes of which the hill was disputed almost muz-
zle to muzzle, in such a manner, that General Conway, who has seen
much service, says he never saw so close and severe a fire. On the
right where General Stephen was, it was long and severe, and on
the left considerable. When we found the right and left oppressed
by numbers and giving way on all quarters, we were obliged to aban-
don the hill we had so long contended for, but not till we had almost
covered the ground between that and Birmingham meeting-house,
with the dead bodies of the enemy.* When I found that victory was

* Rolls of the loss of the enemy at Brandywine were captared at Germantown,
and the total is set down as about two thousand. More than half of their loss, no
doubt, was during the battle at Birmingham meeting-house.

MAJOB-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. .51

on the side of the enemy, I thought it my diity to prevent, as much
as possible, the injurious consequences of a defeat ; for which purpose
I rallied my troops on every advantageous piece of ground, to retard
their pursuit and give them fresh opposition. How far I exerted
myself in this, Congress will readily see by consulting the enclosed
testimonies ; and that the last parties I assisted to rally and post
against them were betw.een sunset and dark. By this means the
enemy were so much fatigued, that they suffered our whole army,
with their artillery, baggage, &;c., to pass off without molestation, and
without attempting to pursue us a step.

I wish Congress to consider the many disadvantages I labored
under on that day. It is necessary,- in every action, that the command-
ing officer should have. a perfect knowledge of the number and situa-
tion of the enemy, the route they are pursuing, the ground he is to
draw up his troops on, as well as that where the enemy are formed,
and that he have sufficient time to view and examine the position of
the enemy, and to draw up his troops ip such a manner as to coun-
teract their design ; all of which were wanting. We had intelligence
only of two brigades coming against us, when in fact it was the whole
strength of the British army, commanded by General Howe and Lord
Comwallis. They met us unexpectedly, and in order of battle, and
attacked us before we had time to form, and upon ground we had
never before seen. Under those disadvantages, and against those
unequal numbers, we maintained our ground an hour and forty
minutes ; and, by giving fresh opposition on every ground that would
admit, we kept them at bay from three o'clock until afler sunset.
What more would have been expected from between three and four
thousand troops against the chief part of the British army ?

I now beg Congress to consider whether my services, in political
and military life, have deserved so ill as to render me liable, upon
vague reports and private opinions, to have my character stigmatized
by resolves against me. Though I have never yet wrote, or said any
thing in favor of myself, I am compelled at once to alter my conduct.
My political character is well known in most parts of America, and
the part I have taken in the present dispute. I am exceeding happy,
that, in the military line, I have witnesses of all my conduct Let the
commander-in-chief declare who it was that supplied cannon, arms,
and ammunition to the army, when they were almost destitute at
Cambridge, and who brought the troops to guard the lines, when they

52 THfi MILITART SEETtCES OF

were almost deserted ; and who, by his influence, prevailed upon them
to tarry six weeks after their time was expired. To the officers I had
the honor to command on Winter HiU, I appeal whether I was not the
means of inducing their men to enlist for the second campaign, and
whether, during the whole time I was there, I did not cheerfully brave
every danger that could arise from the severe cannonade and bombard^
ment of the enemy. To the officers of the Canada army, let me appeal
for the truth of my having found, on my arrival in that quarter, a most
miserable army, flying ofl* by hundreds and leaving behind them all their
sick, and all the public stores which had been sent into that quarter.
Those I speedily collected, and, having joined my other forces, made an
effijrt to penetrate into the country ; but the unfortunate arrival of ten
thousand British troops put it out of my power. I had then to make
a retreat with five thousand sick, and two thousand two hundred and
flfby well men, and to secure the public stores scattered throughout the
country. This was done in the face of a veteran army, commanded
by a brave and experienced 'officer. The sick and the public stores
were not only saved, but the mills, timber, and boards were destroyed,
which prevented the enemy from reducing Ticonderoga to the same un-
happy situation the last year which they have done this. How £ar I
was active in conducting this retreat, which even our enemies have
applauded, let the address of the worthy officers in that army, pre-
sented at my departure from them, declare. In the attack upon Tren-
ton, in December last, I appeal to all. the officers in the three brigades
commanded by Generals St. Clair, Glover, and Commandant Sergeant,
whether I did not enter the town, at the head of my troops, and
whether my disposition was not the most perfect that could be devised
for carrying the town and preventing escapes, and whether, with
my division, I did not carry the town before we received any assist-
ance. To the commander-in-chief, and to the same officers, I again
appeal, whether I did not by my influence prevail on those troops te
tarry six weeks after the first day of January, which in my opinipi)
went far towards saving America;* and whether, at the attack on
Princeton, I was not in the front of my line when the enemy began
their fire upon us, and whether they ever saw me in the least endeavor
to screen myself from the enemy's fire. For the battle of Long Island, I
appeal to Major Willis and the other officers who Were with me, whether

. * It was nndoubtedly owing, in a great degree, to the exertions of Sullivan and
Stark, that a re-enlistment of the troops w;as effected at this periloas juncture. — See
CoUections for 1822, p. lt)0.

MAJOB-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 53

any person could have exposed himself more, or made a longer resist-
ance with such an handful of men, against so great an army.

It is an observation of one of the wisest of men, that no person
can stand before envy ; and I am determined not to make the rash at-
tempt. My reputation and my freedom I hold dear. But, if I lose the
former, the latter becomes of no importance. I therefore, rather than
run the venture to combat against the envy of some malicious officers
in the army, when cherished and supported by the influence of their
too credulous correspondents in Congress, must, as soon as the court
of inquiry have sat, and given their opinion, beg leave to retire from
the army, while my reputation is secure. This will afford me an oppor-
tunity of doing justice to my reputation, and laying my conduct, with
the evidence of it, before the public; and enable me to take the proper -
steps against those, who, without cause or foundation, have endeavored
to ruin one, who has ever shown himself one of the warmest friends to
American freedom. I beg G>ngress will not suppose this to proceed
from disaffection, but from necessity ; that I may quit a place where I
have more to fear, than I could have from the most powerful enemy.
If Congress grants me liberty to retire, I shall give in my resignation
to the commander-in-chief, when the court of inquiry have sat, and
given their judgment, and if it is against me, when a court-martial
gives a final judgment, unless that should likewise be against me. But
I cannot think that Congress, after examining the evidences, will be at
a loss to know what the result of either court must be.

Dear Sir, I have the honor to be, with much respect.

Your Excellency's most obedient servant,

John Sullivan.

His Excellency John Hangock, Esq.

Stephen exposed himself, that day, to reproach for iinoiEcer-
like conduct. De Borre, somewhat ignorant of our language,
was obstinate, disobeyed orders, and, shortly afterwarwards,
was court-martialled and resigned.

Sullivan, in defending himself from the charges of Burke, ^
— a civilian and member of Congress, who rode out to see
the fight, — criminates no one of his subordinates, bi^t is gen-
erous to all of them, as he is, afterwards, just and discriminat-
ing in describing the battle for the public press. It seems
difficult to understand, if any remark ever fell from his lips

^£^^^^j^^.^^

54 THE HILITABT SERVICES OF

to which the wildest interpretation could attach the idea of
jealousy or etiquette as to position, how any such could have
entered his mind. He was commanding the whole right wing,
and both Stirling and Stephen were his subordinates ; while
De Borre commanded the right brigade in his own division.
How could it possibly have added to his dignity or respon-
sibility or consequence, that his division should have been
posted on the right. His words seem unmistakable, that, in
moving to the right and rear, they were closing up to Stephen,
when De Borre's brigade broke.

To be held in any degree, however, unjustly responsible
for the disasters of the day, was intolerable to one so sensitive
as himself; and the following letter to Mr. John Adams ex-
presses his distress under the imputation : —

To John Adams.

Camp on Pkrkiomy, Sept. 28, 1777.

Dear Sir, — Far from addressing you in the language of friendship,
and desiring your assistance as a friend, I call upon you as a friend to just-
ice and mankind, begging you to acquaint yourself, and make Congress
acquainted, with the evidence I have enclosed the President, relative to
my conduct. They ought to take time to view, examine, and consider
it. They have censured and condemned me without evidence ; will
they not acquit me upon the clearest testimony ? The greatest and the
only favor I request from you is, that if, by the evidence, there appears
the least fault in my conduct, you will join with the rest against me, to
complete that ruin which some members of Congress have long been
striving to bring about ; but if, on the contrary, you find that it is the
person who has silently borne the burthen of the war, has endured the
hottest of almost every fire, and braved every danger for his country's
good, that Congress has been censuring and resolving against, then,
Sir, call upon Congress to do me justice, and restore me that reputation
which they have in some degree deprived me of. Should I fail in this,
I am determined to quit the service, and employ my tongue, my pen,
and every other engine that may be found necessary, to save my repu-
tation. I am now fortifying myself for the purpose. I am well known
in America, and exceeding well in the army. The officers who have
served with me are worthy, as they are numerous. They will, they
must, join with me to exclaim against unjust and ungenerous returns for

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 65

faithful and laborious service, let them proceed from what quarter they
will. No wall can be so sacred as to screen from public censure the
persons who, from private views, would ruin the reputation of the
fjlithful patriot and the brave soldier. It is the dignity of America,
Hot the dignity of Congress, we are fighting to support. Treat us
justly, reward us for our services, and don't let our characters suffer
from every idle report. Pray examine the evidence I have sent to the
President, and then determine, with your usual candor, whether the
resolves against me were not premature ; whether I have not a right
to complain ; and whether Congress ought not, in justice, to restore me
that reputation which they have deprived me of. Why am I singled
out as the only person for a court of inquiry, and by a resolve, after-
wards rescinded, to be suspended from the service. A fleet was lost
on Champlain Lake, the army in Canada ruined. Fort Washington
and Fort Lee sacrificed : no courts of inquiry were thought necessary.
General Parsons made an attempt on Long Island the same day I went
to Staten Island. He had only one regiment to contend with; no re-en-
forcements could possibly come against him : yet he was repulsed, with
loss. I had many regiments to contend with ; routed all I came across ;
did them much mischief. Yet no court of inquiry is ordered upon
him. I am the butt against which all the darts are levelled. How does
this read? How will it sound when ringing in the public ear? But
forgive me for this warmth. I know that, as a friend, you will make
the proper aUowances for my feeding. I rely upon your exertions to
bring Congress to do justice to your much injured friend and humble
servant, John Sullivan.

Hon. John Adams.

Congress, who had for a moment hearkened to Burke, one
of its members, who professed to have been an eye-witnesg
of what occurred on the battlefield, immediately rescinded
their resolve by an overwhelming vote, one member from
Delaware alone siding with Burke. His aspersions, as we
hope those of Mr. Bancroft now, if fame be worth the having,
will be of service rather than injury to the reputation of
General Sullivan, calling attention to what can well stand the
test. We select from the numberless letters of his brother
officers, including nearly all those who served under him,
the following, which are certainly better to be believed than
Mr. Bancroft. / y/ /

56 THE HILITABT SEBYICES OF

Oct. 20, 1777.
Since the battle of Brandjwine, I have been sorry to hear illiberal
complaints thrown out against the conduct of Major-General Sullivan.
As I was present during the whole action, and obliged, from mj situa-
tion with Lord Stirling, to be near General Sullivan, I had an oppor-
tunity of observing such examples of courage as could not escape the
attention of any one. I can declare that his uniform bravery, cool-
ness, and intrepidity, both in the heat of battle, and in rallying and
forming the troops when broke from their ranks, appeared to me to be
truly consistent with, or rather exceeded, any idea I had ever had of
the greatest soldier. Ends Edwards,

Aid to Lord Stirling.

The notes of Lafayette, Hamilton, and Laurens are equally
explicit as to his generalship in the battle ; and the following
from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, afterwards candidate for
the Presidency of the United States, that, in posting Weedon's
brigade, and in resisting the enemy till dark, he did quite his
part in the preservation of the American army : —

Camp near Potsgroye, Sept. 24, 1777.
In compliance with the request of General Sullivan, that I would
mention what I saw of his behavior at the action of Brandy wine,
on the 11th of this month, I declare, when I saw him in the engage-
ment, which was in the evening, about the time that General Wee-
don's brigade was brought up to the right, he appeared to me to
behave with the greatest calmness and bravery; and at that time
I had occasion to observe his behavior, as I was then with General
Washington, and heard General Sullivan tell him that all the superior
officers of his division had behaved exceedingly well, and, after some
other conversation with the general. General Sullivan, turning to me,
requested I would ride up to General Weedon, and desire him to halt
Colonel Spott8wood*8 and Colonel Stephen's regiments in the ploughed
field, on our right, and form them there, which I did; and on my
return I was informed that Greneral Sullivan, while I was delivering
his orders, had his horse shot under him.

Charles Cotesworth Pincknet,

Colonel of the First ContiDental Regiment of Soutli Carolina.

Five days after the battle, Washington again sought an
engagement at Goshen ; but, a storm of two days' continu-

MAJOR-GENERAL JO^N SULLIVAN. 67

ance spoiling his ammunition, he was compelled to withdraw
for a fresh supply, and Howe entered Philadelphia. There
being no suitable accommodation for them within the city, the
British general posted his forces at Germantown, six miles
out. Washington determined to attack them on the first
opportunity, and submitted the proposition to his generals,
who, with few exceptions, advised delay until re-enforce-
ments, that were expected, arrived from the North. When,
soon after, intelligence was received that Howe had weak-
ened his army by a strong detachment to Billingsport, Wash-
ington concluded upon action. At noon, on the third of
October, he issued his orders; and, at nine that evening,
the troops had left Matuchen Hills, on the Skippack, for a
Dight-march of fourteen miles. Sullivan says, af nine ;
Washington, at seven : a discrepancy easily reconciled by
the longer route of the left wing, which, having three miles
farther to go, no doubt started an hour or two earlier. At
daybreak the next morning, the right wing commanded by
Sullivan, came into collision with the advanced posts of the
British at Chestnut Hill, about two miles north of the village
of Germantown.

The following letter to President Weare from Sullivan,
dated Oct. 25, 1777, from the camp at Whitemarsh, gives the
particulars of the fight : —

General SuUivarCs Letter to the President of New Hampshire.

Camp at Whitemarsh, Oct. 25, 1777.
Sir, — I hope the constant movements of our army, since the battle
of Germantown, will apologize for ray not having before given you a
particular account of this unsuccessful affair. Upon receiving intelli-
gence that part of the enemy's force was detached for particular pur-
poses, and that their main army lay encamped, with their left wing on
the west side of the road leading through Germantown, flanked by the
Hessian forces, who were encamped on the Schuylkill, and their right
on the east side of the road extending to a wood about one mile from
the town, with their light infantry encamped in a line in their front,

58 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

within less than a quarter of a mile of their picket at Mount Airy, —
upon this intelligence, it was agreed in council that we should march
the night of the 3d instant, and attack the enemy in the following
manner : —

My own and Wayne's divisions were to compose the right wing,
which I had the honor to command. This wing was to be sustained
by the corps of reserve, composed of Nash's and Maxwell's bri<»ades,
commanded by Major-general Lord Stirling. The right wing was to
be flanked by Conway's brigade, which led the column. The whole of
these marched down the Skippack road, leading over Chesnut Hill
into Germantown. General Armstrong, with about one thousand
Pennsylvania militia, was to pass down the road which runs near the
Schuylkill, and attack the Hessians, who covered the enemy's left
flank. The left wing was composed of Greene's and Stephen's divi-
sions, commanded by Major-general Greene, who were to march down
. the York road and attack the enemy's right, while the troops I had the
honor to command attacked their left. Geperal McDougal's brigade
was to attack their right flank, and Smallwood's division and Forman's
brigade of militia were to make a larger circuit, and attack the rear of
their right wing. The reason of our sending so many troops to attack
their right* was because it was supposed, that, if this wing of the enemy
could be forced, their army must be pushed into the Sfchuylkill or be
compelled to surrender. Therefore two-thirds of the army, at least,
were detached to oppose the enemy's right.

The attack was to begin on all quarters at daybreak. Our army
left their encampment at Matuchen Hills at nine in the evening,
marched all night, and at daybreak the right wing arrived on Chesnut
Hill, when one regiment from Conway's brigade, and one from the
Second Maryland brigade, were detached to Mount Airy, followed by
Conway's brigade, to attack the enemy's picket at Allen's house. My
own division followed in the rear of Conway's, and Wayne's division
in the rear of mine. The f)icket was soon attacked, and suddenly re-en-
forced by all their light infantry. This compelled General Conway to
form his brigade to sustain the attacking regiments and to repulse the
light infantry. They maintained their ground with great resolution,
till my division was formed to support them. The enemy endeavoring
to flank us on the left, I ordered Colonel Ford's regiment to the other
side of the road to repulse them, till General Wayne's division ar-
rived ; and upon finding that our left wing, which had near four miles
farther to march than the right, had not arrived, I was obliged to form

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 59

General Wayne's division on the east of the road, to attack the enemy's
right. I then directed General Conway to draw otF such part of his
brigade as was formed in. the road and in front of our right, and
to fall into my rear, and file off to the right to flank my division ;
but, the morning being too dark to discover the enemy's movements,
and no evidence being given of General Armstrong's arrival, I was
obliged to send a regiment from Wayne's, and another from my own
division, to keep the enemy from turning our right. I also detached
Colonel Moylan's regiment of light horse to watch their motions in
that quarter.

This being done, my division were ordered to advance ; which they
did with such resolutioh, that the enemy's light infantry were soon
compelled to leave the field, and with it their encampments. They,
however, made a stand at every fence, wall, and ditch they passed,
which were numerous. We were compelled to remove every fence as
we passed, which delayed us much in the pursuit. We were soon after
met by the left wing of the British army, when a severe conflict en-
sued ; but, our men being ordered to march up with shouldered arms,
they obeyed without hesitation, and the enemy retired. I then detached
my aide-de-camp, Major Morris, to inform his Excellency, who was in
the main road, that the enemy's left wing had given way, and to desire
him to order General Wayne to advance against their right. His
Excellency immediately detached part of the residue on my right and
part on the left of the road, and directed Wayne's division to advance,
which they did with great bravery and rapidity.

At Chew's house, a mile and a half from where the attack began,
Wayne's division came abreast with mine, and passed Chew's house,
w^hile mine were advancing on the other side of the main road.

Though the enemy were routed, yet they took advantage of every
yard, house, and hedge in their retreat, which caused an incessant fire
through the whole pursuit. At this time, which was near an hour and
a quarter after the attack began, General Stephen's division fell in
v^rith Wayne's on our left, and, soon after, the firing from General
Greene's was heard still farther to the left. The left wing of our
army was delayed much by General Greene's being obliged to counter-
march one of his divisions before he could begin the attack, as he
found the enemy were in a situation very different from what we had
been before told. The enemy had thrown a large body of troops into
Chew's house, which caused Maxwell's brigade to halt there with some
artillery to reduce them. This was found very diflficult, as the house.

60 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

being stone, was almost impenetmble by cannon, and sufficient proof
against musketry. The enemy defended themselves with great bra-
very, and annoyed our troops much by their fire. This, unfortunately,
caused many of our troops to halt, and brought back General Wayne's
division, who had advanced far beyond the house, as they were appre-
hensive lest the firing proceeded from the enemy's having defeated
my division on the right. This totally uncovered the left flank of my
division, which was still advancing against the enemy's left. The
firing of General Greene's division was very heavy for more than a
[ quarter of an hour, but then decreased, and seemed to draw farther

I from us. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the facts to determine

I with precision what was done in that quarter. 'A regiment commanded

by Colonel Matthews advanced with rapidity near the town ; but, not
being supported by some other regiments, who were stopped by a
breastwork near Lucan's mills, the brave colonel, after having pei^
formed great feats of bravery, and being dangerously wounded in
several places, was obliged, with about a hundred of his men, to sur-
render.

My division, with a regiment of North Carolinians commanded by
Colonel Armstrong, and assisted by part of Conway's brigade, having
driven the enemy a mile and a half below Chew's house, and finding
themselves unsupported by any other troops, their cartridges all ex-
pended, the force of the enemy on the right collecting to the left to
! oppose them, being alarmed by the firing at Chew's house so far in their

rear, and by the cry of a light-horseman on the right, that the enemy
had got round us, and at the same time discovering some troops flying
on our right, retired with as much precipitation as they had before
advanced, against every effiart of their officers to rally them. When
' the retreat took place, they had been engaged near three hours, which

with the march of the preceding night, rendered them almost unfit for
fighting or retreating. We, however, made a safe retreat, though not
a regular one ; we brought off all our cannon and all our wounded.
Our loss in the action amounts to less than seven hundred, .mostly
wounded. We lost some valuable officers, among whom were the
brave Greneral Nash and my two aides-de-camp. Majors Sherburne
and White, whose singular bravery must ever do honor to their memo-
ries. Our army rendezvoused at Pawling's mills, and seems very
desirous of another action. The misfortunes of this day were princi-
pally owing to a thick fog, which, being rendered still more so by the
smoke of the cannon and musketry, prevented our troops from discover-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 61

' ing the motions of the enemy or acting in concert with each other. I
cannot help observing, that, with great 'concern, I saw our brave com-
mander exposing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy, in such
a manner, that regard to my coiTntry obliged me to ride to him, and
beg him to retire. He, to gratify me and some others, withdrew a
small distance ; but his anxiety for the fate of the day soon brought
him up again, where he remained till our troops had retreated.

I am, &c., John Sullivan.

To the Hon. the Presidefat of New Hampshire.

This relation of what occurred on the right is full and
explicit; and little remains to be added, but to correct erro-
neous impressions from other accounts of the battle. Biog-
raphers, in order to illustrate the services that form their
especial topic, often convey such impressions without intend-
ing 'it, creating unjust prejudice. It will be observed that
Washington accompanied the right wing. Its command and
the general direction of its movements devolved upon Sul-
livan, but in due subordination to the commander-in-chief.
The delay of Greene — occasioned by the mistake of his
guide, and from being compelled to countermarch his divi-
sion — exposed the Teft flank of the right in its advance,
and rendered its extension imperative over ground which, as
it approached the town, was to have been covered by the
division of Steph'en, It was with the knowledge and sanc-
tion of Washington, that Ford^s regiment, and subsequently
Wayne's division, were ordered to the east of the road ; and,
in passing the large stone house of Chief-justice Chew, the
latter division and Sullivan's were abreast on either side of
it. Washington had halted there half an hour, hoping to
compel the six companies of the British Fortieth, under
Colonel Musgrave, who had taken possession of the house
and fortified it, to surrender; persuaded by Knox of the
imprudence of leaving in his rear a post to prove an embar-
rassment in case of reverse. Maxwell's brigade of Lord
Stirling's division was detained, and Wayne's division re-

62 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

called, to reduce it ; but, although artillery was employed,
little impression was made on its walls, which were of un-
usual strength and solidity.

Meanwhile, Sullivan had pressed on with vigor; putting to
rout the enemy in his front, who obstinately disputed his
progress. When their retreat encouraged an advance on
their centre in the town, Sullivan despatched his aid to Wash-
ington, to send forward Wayne. This request was imme-
diately complied with ; and Washington " detached part of the
reserve on the right and part on the left of the road, and
directed Wayne's division to advance, which they did with
great bravery and rapidity." That no intelligence of this
change of disposition reached Greene or Stephen, may be
accounted for without imputing blame to any one. No doubt,
all suitable precautions to apprise them of it were taken by
Washington, through w^hom alone, as commander of both
wings, the communication could with propriety be made ;
and also by Sullivan, who commanded the right wing, and
who had two aids, Sherburne and White, killed in the battle;
as well as by Wayne, whose division, from the necessity of
the case, found itself, as it approached the centre of the
village, where that of Stephen should have been. The latter
— who, although generally an able and gallant officer, was
not that morning, either from indisposition or imprudence,
in condition to command — came up an hour and a quarter
after the fight began on the right of the Limekiln Road,
which entered the town, near the market-place, at an angle
of forty-five degrees with that from the north, along the
right and east side of which Wayne had marched from the
Chew House. Mistaking, in the obscurity, from mist and
smoke, the Americans for the enemy, he opened fire upon
them. They returned it, and his division or a part of it fell
back — Wayne says, "two miles'' (probably less) — to the
Chew House, of which the garrison still withstood the efforts
of Maxwell, who was beleaguering it. Similar mistakes were

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 63

made in other portions of the field. As the conflict termi-
nated an hour and three quarters later, more importance
seems to have been attached to this, as aifecting the ultimate
issue, than it deserves ; for it was fortunate that, under the
circumstances, instead of Stephen as intended, Wayne, who
fought well, should have been sent to the front.

No imputation was ever made upon Sullivan for the change
or its consequences; and he had enemies ready to do so, had
there been ground. His advance, warmly contested, was
still onward, extending through the westerly part of the
town to the south-west side of it, a mile and a half below the
Chew House ; and where he commanded proved a complete
success. The British left was utterly routed by his division
and Conway's, a portion of them crossing the Schuylkill in
disordered flight; while Wayne, engaging their right, and
" remembering the action of the 20th of September, near the
Warren, pushed on with the bayonet, taking ample vengeance
for that niglit's work."

The battle was substantially won, wlien the Americans,
notwithstanding every eflbrt of their officers to rally them,
turned away from victory absolutely in their grasp. Their
. animunition, forty rounds to a man, after three hours of in-
cessant combat, had become exhausted. Want of efficient
organization for the speedy transmission of orders and intel-
ligence, disposition of generals of brigade and division to carry
out their plans without communicating them to their supe-
riors, were as fatal elements of weakness and disaster in the
armies of the Revolution, as in the Crimea or Spanish penin-
sula.

The fog — dense with the smoke of artillery and musketry,
and of piles of straw and brushwood, kindled by the British
to increase the confusion — still farther prevented concert of
action. The heavy firing in their rear at the Chew House,
and a parley sounded there to summon a surrender, by some
misinterpreted as a signal for retreat, has been also suggest-

64 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

ed in explanation of the event of the day. These causes
or some of them, with those mentioned in the foregoing re-
port of the engagement, produced a panic, " which first took
possession of Wayne's men, and then of others of the right
wing." It spread rapidlj'. The retreat became general, but,
soon reduced to some, degree of order, was effected without
loss.

Although a defeat, it inflicted a heavy blow on the enemy ;
their killed and wounded, over eight hundred, being in ex-
cess of ours. It raised in public estimation the character of
the Americans; ready, so soon after their discomfiture at the
Brandywine, to encounter again forces superior in number
and equipment. Mr. Dawson, in his account of Germantown,
in his " Battles of the United States," very justly remarks,
" The plan of General Washington for conducting the enter-
prise was one of the most carefully elaborated designs which
that distinguished man ever issued ; and the ultimate failure
in its execution, while it did not discourage the Americans,
was not productive either of pleasure or profit to the enemy.
The ability to design, and the resolution to execute, which
were there displayed, commanded their respect; and, not-
withstanding the enemy retired to its camp, fourteen miles
distant. General Howe sought safety by retiring to Phila-
delphia."

Washington, in his report to Congress, says, "In justice to
General Sullivan and the whole right wing of the army, whose
conduct I had an opportunity of observing, as they acted im-
mediately under my eye, I have the pleasure to inform you,
that both officers and men behaved with a degree of gallantry
that did them the highest honor." Mr. Bancroft, w^ith the
same ungenerous prejudice exhibited earlier, ascribes no
merit to Sullivan, but cites a letter of General Armstrong to
sustain a statement as to his needless waste of powder, which
the letter itself fails to confirm. The only ground for such
a reflection appears, when investigated, to have been a rumor.

HAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 65

ratber than an allegation, that the regiment of an inexpe-
rienced colonel unseasonably expended their powder. How
far the colonel or his men deserved any such reproach, in
our ignorance of the circumstances, is not susceptible of
proof. It could not have been easy to determine, in an ob-
scurity which, as Washington said, rendered it impossible, at
thirty yards' distance, to distinguish friend from foe, what
proportion of the bullets accomplished, their deadly errand.
The loss of the enemy, as indicated by their rolls, bears the
usual ratio to the rounds fired, before the introduction of
needle-gun and Ghassepot disturbed the experiences of mod-
ern warfare.

After other unsuccessful efforts to bring the enemy to a
conflict, in December, 1777, the American army — a large
portion of it barefooted and without blankets — went into
winter-quarters at Valley Forge, where Sullivan remained,
till March, busily engaged in superintending the construction
of bridges and in other duties.

Mr. Bancroft charges him, as a fault, with recommending
the appointment of Conway as adjutant-general, and with
being on both sides in the cabal which aimed to displace
Washington by Gates. Sullivan's own correspondence con-
clusively proves that he had never faltered in his loyalty to
Washington ; but it would have been highly prejudicial to the
cause for which they were all contending, had he taken sides
against Gates, who was then the President of the Board of
War. Conway had been under his command ; was a brave
officer who had seen much service ; and, among the Sullivan
papers is a virtual denial, under his signature,^ of ever hav-

* Declaration of Con way: —

I dedare that at WhitenuunBh Camp, I think one or two days before my departnre, I met with
General liViIkinfon at Colonel Biddle's quarters ; that, having called General Wilkinson to an npper
room, I asked him If he liad knowledge of what I had written to General Gates the preceding
month. Upon his answer in the aflirmatiTe, I asked him if he remembered to iiave read in it the
following paragraph : —

*^ Heaven has determined to save Otis country, or a weak general and bad counsellorB would
iiave ruined it."

General IVllUnson assured me that such a paragraph, was not in my letter.

8d JAirVABY, 1778. Thomas Ck>nw ay.

66 THE MILITARY SEBYICES OF

ing written to Gates the offensive passage quoted by Ban-
croft, which gave displeasure. Opinions differed with re-
gard to his merits. Washington expressed his own, as in duty
bound, without reserve, and they were not flattering; and
this low estimate wounding his pride, and throwing obstacles
in the way of his preferment, provoked resentment: but Con-
way, later, showed a generous and gentlemanly spirit in
acknowledging his ipistake. The following letter to John
Adams, which was not without influence in inducing Congress
to promote him, was evidently prompted by an honest con-
viction of his merit : —

Whitbmabsh, Nov. 10, 1777.

Nothing has given me more uneasiness than to find General Con-
way is about leaving the army, on account of some French gentlemen,
who were inferior in rank to' him while they remained in their own
country, being promoted over him. This, he says, was the only thing
he guarded against in his agreement with Mr. Dean and with Con-
gress ; but is now so unhappy as to find, not only persons, who held
inferior rank to him in France, promoted over his head, but some who
had no rank at all in the French army.

I have been in two actions with General Conway, and am confident
no man could behave better in action. His regulations in his brigade
are much better than any in the army, and his knowledge of military
matters, in general, far exceeds any otficer we haye ; and I must beg
leave to observe, that it is worth the consideration of Congress to re-
tain him.

P.S. — If the oflSce of Inspector^General, with the rank of Major-
General, was given him, I think our army would soon cut a different
figure from what they now do.

In February, Sullivan requested permission to visit his
family. He states that his daily pay of fifteen shillings and
eightpence, in the reduced currency, provided for a very in-
considerable part of his expenses. He had depended, through-
out the war, on his private resources ; and his available means
had become exhaustfed. At Long Island, New York, New
Bochelle, and Peekskill, his personal effects had been cap-
tured ; and it was only by returning to New Hampshire that

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 67

he could procure what was indispensable for his most press-
ing wants. In reply to this request, 'Washington represented
to him the necessity of his services in the camp, and urged
him to defer his departure, to which he cheerfully submitted.
When, later, the presence of other general officers rendered it
less important he should remain, he renewed his request, and
it was granted. He was, at the same time, recommended by
Washington to Congress for the command of the troops at
Providence, Rhode Island ; the hope being entertained that
the British, who were in force at Newport, under Sir Richard
Pigott, could be compelled to evacuate it. This recommen-
dation was supported by General Greene, who was himself a
native of that State.

At Valley Forge terminates the period embraced in the
last volume now published by Mr. Bancroft of the history of
the war. This is soon to be followed by another, in which
the military services of General Sullivan may possibly be
subjected to like ungenerous and disingenuous comment.
A brief relation of his campaigns in 1778 and 1779, on Rhode
Island and in Western New York, is therefore added, that
their history may be understood should they not be fairly
presented.

Two years earlier, in March, 1776, immediately after the
evacuation of Boston, he had been ordered with his brigade
to Providence, to protect Rhode Island from threatened at-
tack; and now, on the 17th of April, 1778, as good tidings
of a treaty with France and promised co-operation were
reaching America, he was invested by the council of war
with the charge of that military department. From the
vast amount of correspondence, of extreme interest, that
has been preserved amongst his papers, connected with the
subsequent campaign, — and all of which, it is much to be
wished, may, at some future day, be given to the public, —
some few selections are made for our present purpose, either
as characteristic of the man or to explain the course of events.

68 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Soon after he took command, Sir Richard Pigott, the com-
mander of the British forces at Newport, endeavored, by order
from home, to circulate among the inhabitants of the State,
with the design of creating disaffection to the cause of inde-
pendence, certain bills submitted to Parliament by the Cabi-
net, but which had never been passed. These bills were sent
by Pigott to Sullivan, who returned them with the following
letter : —

Providence, 27th April, 1778.

Sir, — I received your favor of the 24th instant, requesting me to
distribute, among the inhabitants of this State, sundry copies of bills
read in the British House of Commons on the 19th February last.
Such copies were delivered with your letters.

The inhabitants of this State acknowledge no authority, but that of
the civil magistrates and the law of the land ; with which authority I
have not a wish to interfere, and thwefore, while acting in a military
capacity, should not be justified in distributing papers of any kind
among them. The Legislature of this State is the only power which
can regularly take your request into consideration. To that body I
have therefore communicated your desire, and with it have lodged the
copies you sent.

Had proposals of this kind been properly and sincerely made by the
Court of Britain to the supreme authority of America, before the wan-
ton cruelty which has marked the progress of the British arms in this
country had taken place, or prior to our own declaring ourselves in-
dependent and entering into alliance with foreign powers, they would
have been accepted with sentiments of gratitude ; but at this time all
proposals, except for a peace upon honorable and equal terms, must be
ineffectual.

Americans are not now to learn that a bill once read in the House
of Commons, without having passed either branch of the Legislature,
is itself no authority; and the dispersing, or attempting to dispei-se,
copies of it, discovers a design to amuse and deceive, rather than to
brinj? about reconciliation. Nor are they ignorant of the motives
which induce the British Court at this time to mention terms of ac-
commodation, which, at former times, the most humble and dutiful
petitions could not produce. Had the proposals for an accommodation,
on the part of Britain, been sincere, they would have been properly
authenticated and laid before Congress, and not copies of an unau-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 69

thenticated bill been sent, to be dispersed among the inhabitants, to
amuse and disunite them. The design of this procedure is so easily
'discovered, even by the weakest capacity, that you may assure your-
self that it can never answer the purpose which Britain has in view.
To convince you, sir, that the American powers wish to hide nothing
from a free people, I inclose you a " Providence Gazette," in which
those proposed bills are published, though not accompanied by the an-
nexed address, signed by you ; which, I apprehend, would be looked
upon, by Americans in general, rather as an insult than as a proposal
of reconciliation.

In June, he had occasion again to address the British com-
THQ^nder upon the unwarranted capture of non-combatants.
The strong expressions used had a twofold object; being in-
tended for the public as well as for the person to whom they
were addressed : —

Pbovidence, June 4, 1778.

Sir, — The repeated applications of the distressed families of per-
sons captured by your troops on the 25th ultimo, induce me to write
you upon the subject, as these men were not in actual service or found
in arms. I cannot conceive what were the motives for taking them, or
guess the terms upon which their release may be obtained.

Had the war, on the part of Britain, been founded in justice ; and
your troops, in their excursions, completed the destruction of the boats
and our military preparations in that quarter, without wantonly de-
stroying defenceless towns, burning houses consecrated to the Deity,
plundering and abusing innocent inhabitants, and dragging, from their
peaceful habitations, unarmed and unoffending men, — such an expedi-
tion might have shone with splendor : it is now darkened with savage
cruelty, and stained with indelible disgrace.

In your last letter to me, you gave it as your opinion, that the inhabi-
tants of America, at large, would entertain more favorable sentiments
of the views and intentions of Great Britain than I seemed inclined
to have. If, sir, the unprecedented cruelty of your troops, displayed
upon every petty advantage since the commencement of this contest,
the inhuman and unexampled treatment of prisoners, who, by the for-
tune of war, have fallen into your power, had not sufficiently con-
vinced the inhabitants of the United States that they had nothing to
expect from that nation but a continuance of those tyrannical and cruel
measures which drove them to a separation, the conduct of your party,
in their late expedition, must have stamped it with infallible certainty.

70 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

The law of retaliation has not, as yet, been exercised by the Ameri-
cans : humanity has marked the line of their conduct thus far, even
though they knew that their tenderness was attributed to base timidity.
But if a departure from the laws of humanity can, in any instance, be
justified, it must be when such relentless destroyers are intrapped by
the vigilance, of the party invaded. Perhaps, at some such period, the
Americans, fired with resentment of accumulated injuries, wearied with
the long exercise of a humane conduct, which has only been rewarded
with barbarity and insult, and despairing to mitigate the horrors of
war by persisting in the practice of a virtue which their enemies seem
to have banished from their minds, may, by suddenly executing the law
of retaliation, convince Britons that they have mistaken the motives of
American clemency, and trifled too long with undeserved lenity.
Should such an event take place, the, unhappy sufferers may charge
their misfortunes to the commanding officers of the British army in
this country, whose mistaken conduct has weaned the affections of
Americans from your nation, driven them to disavow allegiance to your
sovereign, and at length roused to acts of retaliation.

I should not have written you so particularly upon the subject, had I
not observed, in the "Newport Gazette," that the conduct of your
troops, employed in the late expedition, had received your approbation
and warmest thanks.

In a letter of the 3d of May, 1778, Sullivan submitted to
Congress a statement of the military condition of his depart-
ment, the strength of the enemy, and their means of annoy-
ance and defence : —

I do myself the honor to inclose Congress a return of the troops at
this post. The three last-mentioned regiments leave on this day, so
that my force will consist of the residue mentioned in the return. We
have not a man from Connecticut, and but part of two companies from
Massachusetts Bay. Some few have arrived from New Hamp>hire,
and about half their quota are on the march.* With these troops, I
have to guard a shore of upwards of sixty miles in extent, from Point
Judith to Providence on the west, and from Providence to Seconnet
Point on the east, against an enemy who can bring all their strength
to any point they choose. I am exceeding happy that they know
nothing of our strength, and are fortifying against an attack, which
they daily expect. Tliey have, on the island and in the posts adja-
cent, four regiments of Hessians, and the Twenty-second, Forty-third,

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 71

aod Fifty-sixth British; making, in the whole, 3,600, exclusive of
a small regiment, consisting of 127, composed of refugees and de-
serter, and commanded by one Whiteman. I inclose Congress a
plan of their fortifications round the town. They have, besides, a
very strong work on Butt's Hill, a small redoubt opposite Bristol ferry,
another at the entrance of our common ferry point, and two small
works opposite Frog-land Point. They have stopped the course of the
water in a small rivulet, to overflow a marsh for security of one part of
the town. The water is now five feet deep ; but I am informed that
the stream dries up in some summers. They have drafted twenty-
seven men from the Twenty-second Regiment, and a like number
from the Forty-third, to join the light infantry of their Grand Army.
These are all the troops taken from Rhode Island. • They left it with
Liord Howe. There are seven vessels of war, and two galleys, sta-
tioned in the following manner, viz. : The *' Kingfisher " and two
galleys, in the East Passage at Little Compton ; in the Main Channel,
the " Flora " and " Juno ; " in the West Channel, the " Somersett ; " at
the town, the " Nonesuch," the " Lark," the " Falcon," and a frigate, the
name of which I have not learned. This disposition of their shipping
was made to entrap Captain Whipple, in the " Providence " frigate ;
but, on the night of the 30th, he took advantage of a violent north-east
storm, passed them under a heavy fire, which he warmly returned, and
got safe to sea. Since my arrival at this port, General Pigot favored
me with a number of hand-bills, accompanied with a letter, a copy of
which I inclose, together with a copy of my answer and of his reply.

As the number of troops destined for this department will be so in-
competent to defend it against a sudden attack, I think that the two
State galleys, if properly fitted, would be of great advantage. I have
applied to the Council of War upon the subject, who seem rather in-
clined to dispose of them to the Continent, than to ^x and man them
for service. I beg leave, therefore, to submit to Congress, whether it
would not be for the good of the service to purchase them for guard-
ing those places which are most exposed, particularly the > rivers of
Taunton and Warren. 1 also beg Congress to order General Stark,
who has returned to New Hampshire from Albany, to me at this
place, as I shall need two brigadiers when the troops arrive ; and the
more so, as the extent of country to guard will be so great. Should
Congress think that, after the troops arrive here, an attempt upon the
island, with them and some militia and volunteers called in, would be
practicable, I shall be exceeding happy in executing any order they
will please to give.

72 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

•

Count d'Estaing had sailed from Toulon, on the 13th of April,
to carry out the plan of joint operations, with twelve ships
of tlie line, six frigates, and a considerable body of land
forces. But his voyage being unfortunately protracted to
eighty-seven days, the British, by evacuating Philadelphia, and
withdrawing their fleet from the Delaware, had, before his
arrival, extricated themselves from a position in which they
would have been taken at disadvantage. He proceeded to
New York ; but, unable to cross the bar, it was decided he
should assist Sullivan in reducing Newport, then occupied by
a garrison, which was immediately strengthened, and soon
exceeded six thousand effectives, protected by a naval force.

The main body of the troops lay in the town, which is
situated on the west of an isthmus connecting the southern
with the northern and principal part of the island, and which
was defended by entrenchments and five redoubts, extending
nearly across the island, from Tonomi Hill near Coddington's
Cove on the west, to Easton's Pond, back of the first beach,
towards the south-east. A quarter of a mile within this line
extended a second, from the Gibbs farm at the town end of
the first or Easton's Beach, where there was a redoubt, to the
North Battery, on the shore near the Blue Rocks. Three
regiments were stationed on Conanicut, an island in Narra-
gansett Bay, nine miles in length, extending below and above
the town : but these troops were withdrawn upon the ap-
proach of the French fleet ; and three other regiments, which
occupied fortified lines at Butt's Hill, at the northerly end of
the island, the day before the Americans crossed from the
mainland, retired also to Newport.

When, soon after Sullivan assumed command, in April, a
predatory attack was made by the enemy on Bristol, he had
but five hundred men at his disposal. Even after the Battle
of Monmouth, on the 28th of June, although the garrison at
Newport had been greatly strengthened, he had but sixteen
hundred. But the promised co-operation inspired throughout

MAJOB<GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 73

the country an unusual ardor, and all classes were ready to
leave their occupations with alacrity, to take part in an ex-
pedition fraught with 'such brilliant promise. Washington
ordered Lafayette, with two brigades, to Providence, when it
seemed probable the meditated attack on New York would
be abandoned ; and early in July, when he learned that D'Es-
taing had finally decided it was impracticable, he directed
also General Greene to join Sullivan, who had now under
his command the brigades of Cornell, Greene, Lovell, Tit-
comb, Glover, and Varnum, light corps under Livingston
and West, and militia from Massachusetts, Bhode Island, and
Connecticut. This force, amounting to nearly ten thousand
men when collected at Tiverton, were for the most part recent
levies, without discipline, or knowledge of war. A difficult
duty was imposed upon Sullivan to organize and instruct them
in season to be of effective service; as also, at a season of
almost unprecedented scarcity, to provide them with supplies.
While engaged in these preparations, he received the fol-
lowing letter from Lafayette, between whom and himself ex-
isted relations of friendship and esteem, not ending with the
war : —

Nothing can give me more pleasure than to go under your orders ;
and it is with the greatest happiness that I see my wishes, on that point,
entirely satisfied. I both love and esteem you ; therefore the moment
we shall fight together will be extremely pleasant and agreeable to me.
Colonel Laurens will explain to you the number of troops I take with
me. The Count d'Estaing, a relation and friend of mine, has offered
me the French troops he has on board ; so that, in addition to your
forces, we shall add a pretty good re-enforcement. Had General Gates
or any other gone there, I had already expressed that I did not choose
to go ; but I confess I feel the greatest happiness to co-operate with
you to our glory and the common advantage. For God*s sake, my
dear friend, don't begin any thing before we arrive.

With the most sincere affection and regard, I have the honor to be
your most obedient servant.

P.S. — Laurens is just going, and I have not time to add more.

74 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

The French fleet anchored, on the 29th of July, just with-
out Brenton's Ledge, five miles below Newport ; and Sulli-
van, going aboard, concerted, with the admiral, plans for their
joint operations. It was agreed, in the expectation their
landing would be contested, that the Americans should cross
first, and then the French, who were to be commanded by
Count d'Estaing in person: the former over the east, or
Seconnet passage, under cover of the guns of a frigate ; the
latter from Conanicut on the west side, a little north of Dyer's
Island, thus cutting ofiF the three British regiments at Butt's
Hill, which it was expected would thus be easily captured.
D'Estaing, subsequently dissatisfied with the arrangement
he had made, and tenacious of his superiority of rank as a
lieutenant-general, insisted that the landing on both sides of
the island should be simultaneous, and that one wing of the
Americans should, with the French troops, be commanded by
Lafayette. This demand was subsequently modified, and
reduced from one wing to one thousand militia. Two frigates
were sent on the 5th to either passage, compelling the enemy
to burn seven vessels of war that were exposed ; and, on the
8th, the fleet sailed up through the harbor to the upper end
of Conanicut.

The militia did not arrive as promptly as promised, and
this occasioned delay. But on the 9th, Sullivan, discovering
the regiments stationed in a strong position at Butt's Hill
had been withdrawn, and apprehensive the opportunity might
be lost if not improved, should the enemy return, the con-
tingency in view when the arrangement was made being no
longer to be considered, crossed over the east passage to the
island, informing the admiral at the same time of his move-
ments, and the motives that governed him. D'Estaing was
unreasonably offended at not being previously consulted.
He was unduly sensitive and punctilious. Although out-
ranking Sullivan, who was only a major-general, he com-
manded the fleet; and the war was an American war in

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 75

Amerfca. It was never contemplated, that while co-operating
he should direct both the land and naval operations. Nor
was it reasonable, that, when a change of circumstances com-
pelled departure from the concerted plan in a point imma-
terial, he should take umbrage. But an excitable temper
was fretted by heavy responsibility ; he was unpopular with
his oflBcers, who thwarted him whenever occasion oflFered,
and he was more occupied with his own dignity than with the
cause. General Sullivan was courteous and forbearing. He
expressed himself too sensible of the valuable services ren-
dered by Prance ever to be unmindful of them ; and made
every effort, consistent with the main object, to maintain
cordiality and a good understanding. This was often difficult
without sacrifice of considerations more important.

On the day they crossed, Lord Howe anchored off Point
Judith with thirteen ships of the line, seven frigates, and
seventeen other vessels ; and on the 10th, D'Estaing, eager to
engage him, re-embarked the troops he had already landed on
Conanicut, and put out to sea with the wind in his favor. For
two days the opposing squadrons manoeuvred for the weather
gage, and were coming into action when dispersed by a
violent gale. This storm, described as unprecedented in
severity, on shore prostrated tents, destroyed much ammuni-
tion, and several volunteers, unaccustomed to exposure, per-
ished. Its fury was hardly spent when Sullivan, whose own
divisions had been quartered on the Gibbs place, Greene's
being on what was later the farm of Mr. Kidder Bandolph,
and Lafayette's on what was then called Bower's Garden,
advanced his army, on the 15th, to within two miles of the
enemy, who were strongly posted in their entrenchments
around Newport, where they had been protected from the
storm, and suffered little.

One detachment of the Americans occupied Honeyman's
Hill. After waiting, from a wish not to offend him, two days
for D'Bstaing to return, Sullivan, in order not to lose time

76 THE MILITABT SERVICES OF

which was precious, as the enemy were daily strengthening
their position, commenced the construction of a four-gnu
battery on its summit, and on the right of the Green End
road. On the 18th, he erected another for five guns. Its fire
soon compelled the enemy to remove their encampment
farther to the rear, and to construct new lines and batteries
to protect themselves. On the 19th, a second line of ap-
proach was commenced ; on the 22d, two other batteries, for
five and seven guns, were constructed, as also a bomb-battery ;
and on the 25th, a third line of approach. The constant and
well-directed fire from these several works was destructive,
and Pigott found himself obliged to plant new batteries to
silence it. There occasionally occurred skirmishing outside
the works, and a point on Honeyman's Hill is mentioned as
the scene of some bloodshed and strife, although partial and
unimportant.

While the siege was thus being pressed with vigor, the
fleet, on the 20th, returned in a crippled condition from the
storm. Greene and Lafayette were dispatched by Sullivan
on board to confer with D'Estaing, and propose a landing to
the south-east of the town, where it was for the most part
undefended. But the Admiral, apprehensive he might be
shut in by Howe with a superior force to his own, and urging
such as his instructions, in the event of his needing to refit,
set sail on the 22d for Boston. This unexpected issue to
an enterprise, from which so much had been anticipated, and
which, if still prosecuted with vigor, seemed certain of suc-
cess, produced dismay and almost consternation. Sullivan
wrote D'Estaing the followitag letter of remonsitrance and
protest, signed by all the general officers. Lafayette was
sent after him, and, from an idea that prevailed, that the Ad-
miral was disposed to remain, but that his officers, from jeal-
ousy, had overruled him, the tone of the communication was
warm and earnest : —

MAJOB-GBNERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 77

Camp bisfore Newport, Aug. 22, 1778.

The general officers of the American army now on Rhode Island
having, through their commander-in-chief in this department, repre-
sented to his excellency the Count d'Estaing the ruinous consequences
which would result to this army from his abandoning the harbor of
Newport at this time, and proceeding with his fleet to Boston ; which
representation, with many weighty reasons to induce him to remain at
this post, he has been requested to lay before his officers, who seem, in
general, to be of opinion that his fleet should proceed immediately to
Boston, — esteem U their duty, as officers in the American army, as allies
to his Most Christian Majesty, as officers concerned for the interest and
honor of the French nation, and interested in the welfare of the United
States, to enter their protest against the measures which his Excel-
lency the Count d'Estaing is about to pursue. *

First, Because the expedition against Rhode Island was undertaken
hy agreement with the Count d*Estaing. An army has been collected,
and immense stores brought together, for the reduction of the garrison ;
all of which will be liable to be lost should he depart with his fleet,
leave open the harbor for the enemy to receive re-enforcements from
New York, and ships of war to cut off communication with the main,
and totally prevent the retreat of the army.

Secondly, Because the proceeding of the fleet to Boston can answer
no valuable purpose ; as the injury it has received can be repaired much
sooner here than at Boston, and the vessels secured against a superior
naval force much better here than there.

Thirdly, Because there is the most apparent hazard in attempting to
carry round Nantucket Shoals those ships which are disabled, and will,
in all probability, end in the total loss of two of his Most Christian
Majesty's ships of >var.

Fourthly, Because the taking of dismasted ships out of port to re-
ceive their masts, instead of having their masts brought to them, is
unwarranted by precedent, and unsupported by reason.

Fifthly, Because the honor of the French nation must be injured by
their fleet abandoning their allies upon an island, in the midst of an
expedition agreed to by the Count himself. This must make such an
unfavorable impression on the minds of Americans at large, and create
such jealousies between them and their hitherto esteemed allies, as will,
in a great measure, frustrate the good intentions of his Most Christian
Majesty and the American Congress, who have mutually endeavored
to promote the greatest harmony and confidence between the French
people and the Americans.

78 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Sixthly, Because the apprehension of Admiral Byron's being upon
the coast with a superior fleet is not well founded, as it wholly arises
from the report of the master of a British merchantman, who says he
was told by the " Greyhound " frigate that Admiral Byron was spoken
with, the 24th of June, off the Western Islands ; and accounts from
England, up to the 24th of June, mentioned nothing of his having
sailed : and more than eight weeks having elapsed since this fleet was
said to be near the Western Islands, and no accounts having been had
of their arrival in any part of America, it is evident that this relation
must be false. As. to the captains of two French ships supposing that
they had discovered a three-decker, it is possible' that, in the thick
weather, they may have been deceived. But, even if they are not, it is
by no means evident that this ship belonged to Byron's fleet : and,
even if it did, it only proves that his fleet has been separated, and must
rendezvous in some place before they can act ; of which the French
fleet cannot fail to have timely notice, and, before it is probabla they
can act, the garrison may be easily reduced.

Seventhly, Even if a superior fleet should arrive, the French fleet
can be in no greater safety at Boston than at Rhode Island. It can as
easily be blocked up in the former as the latter place, and be much
easier defended in the latter than in the former.

Eighthly^ The order said to be received from the King of France, for
his fleet to retire to Boston in case of misfortune, cannot, without
doing injustice to that wise and good monarch, be supposed to extend
to the removal of his whole fleet, in the midst of an expedition, on ac-
count of an injury having happened to two or three of his ships.

Ninthly, Because, even though the facts pretended were fully
proved, and it became necessary for the fleet to proceed to Boston, yet
no possible reason can be assigned for the Count d'Estaing's taking with
him the land forces which he has on board, and which might be of great
advantage in the expedition, and of no possible use to him at Boston.

We therefore, for the reasons above assigned, do, in the most solemn
manner, protest against the measure, as derogatory to the honor of
France, contrary to the intentions of his Most Christian Majesty and
the interest of his nation, and destructive in the highest degree to the
welfare of the United States of America, and highly injurious to the
alliance formed between the two nations.

What occurred has been so often misrepresented, that the
following letter from Sullivan to Washington, the 3d of Sep-
tember, is given in explanation : —

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 79

Providence, Sept. 3, 1778.
Dear General,— t I bad last night the honor of receiving your
Excellency's favor of the 1st instant, and impatiently wait your Excel-
lency's sentiments on the steps I have taken since the 29th ultimo, an
account of which has been transmitted by Major Morris.

The justice of the observations in your Excellency's letter, respect-
ing the departure of the French fleet, are so obvious, that, if a con-
sciousness of my duty to yield implicit obedience to your Excellency's
commands did not even make that obedience a pleasure, the reasoning
alone must have pointed out the part I have to act. I have the pleasure
to inform your Excellency, that, though the first struggles of passion,
on so important a disappointment, were scarcely to be restrained, yet,
in a few days, as it subsided, I found means to restore the former har-
mony between the American and French officers of the army. The
Count d'Estaing and myself are in the same friendship as heretofore.
The reason of the protest has been explained to himi, and he is now
perfectly satisfied. He has offered to come on with his land forces,
and do every thing which I may request of him and his troops;
but the step has become unnecessary.

The reason of drawing the protest was this: This Count himself
wished to remain with us, but was, by his captains, overruled in council.
To have deviated from the advice of his council would have been
attended with ill consequences to him, in case of misfortune. It was
supposed that the protest might justify him in taking the part agreeable
to his own sentiments and those of the co-operating array. Prudence
dictated it as our duty to keep it secret from all but him, your Ex-
cellency, and Congress ; and no publication of it was even thought of
on our part, and your Excellency may rely on my exertions to prevent
it. Every thing in my power shall be done for repairing the injury
sustained by the French fleet. The fleet off Boston harbor, of which
I gave your Excellency an account yesterday, are eight ships of the
line, ten frigates, one sloop, and one schooner. There can be no doubt
of its being Lord's Howe's fleet watching the motions of the French
fleet, to facilitate the relief of Rhode Island, and perhaps cover the
retreat of the British army from Rhode Island and New York, to
other places where they are more needed. Those ships were out of
sight yesterday morning at eight o'clock, but I hear they afterwards
hove in sight again. The report here is, that six thousand troops have
arrived at Newport I know they are numerous, but cannot, as yet,
ascertain the number.

80 THB MILITARY SERVICES OF

Your Excellency will please to transmit a copy of this letter to
Congress ; and believe me to be yours, «fcc.

To counteract, in some measure, the feeling of discourage-
ment in his army from their disappointment, Sullivan, in gen-
eral orders, expressed a hope, that the event would prove
America able to procure, by her own arms, what her allies
refused to assist her in obtaining.

He still had some encouragement to persevere ; and,
though adding little to the eflSciency of his army, the militia
and volunteers were still present in considerable numbers.
It was, however, discovered, by the 26th, that many of them
had become disheartened by the defection of the fleet ; and,
despairing of success, were returning home. Thus the effec-
tive force remaining was reduced to only fifty-four hundred
men, but fifteen hundred of whom had ever been in action,
while the garrison was much more numerous, and their fleet
might at any moment return. Sullivan requested the written
opinions of his general officers, whether they should prose-
cute the siege, attempt to take the works by storm at Easton's
Beach, or retire. They recommended withdrawing to the
end of the island, to await re-enforcements and the aid of
the French, should their fleet be refitted in season to render
it, or the land forces,* as proposed, march down from Boston.

Sullivan, accordingly, at six in the evening of the 28th,
having previously sent oflF his heavy artillery and baggage,
moved his army about eight miles, to Butt's Hill, which
they gained before three o'clock in the morning, his right
being posted on the west road, his left on the east, with
covering parties on the flank, and light corps, under Living-
stone, Laurens, Fleury, and Talbot, with Wade's picket,
thrown forward about three miles in front.

At daybreak, Saturday morning, their retreat was discov-

* An officer of the fleet published. In 1782, an accoant of the voyage. He states the
whole force of the French on board as ten thousand ; of whom one-half, at least, could
have been available on land.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULUVAN. 81

ored. General Prescott, crossing Easton's Beach, occupied
the deserted works, while the British in forCe started in
pursuit; General Lossing, with the Yoit and Seabote chas-
seur regiments, by the west road ; General Smith, with the
Twenty-second, Forty-third, and a portion of the Thirty-
eighth and Fifty-fourth, re-enforced on their way by General
Pigott, on the east. At seven, they came up with the Ameri-
can outposts, their left column engaging Major Talbot on
the west road. On the east, the Twenty-second, Colonel
Campbell, at the head of their right column, when near the
Oibbs farm, six miles from Newport, divided, part continuing
up the east road, part taking a cross road leading to the west.
At this point, in a field bounded by these roads and another
runuing north, lay in ambash a party of Americans awaiting
their coming, who, leaping the walls, poured into their be-
wildered foes two deadly volleys, making great havoc in their
ranks, and bringing down one-fourth of the regiment. Be-
fore the British could recover from their bewilderment, or
receive support, which was immediately sent them, the Ameri-
cans, according to their instructions, contesting the ground
as they went, fell back on the main body. When the
firing was heard at Butt's Hill, General Greene advised
marching out to meet the British ; but as our forces were not
so numerous as theirs, had not been long enough together to
be well in hand, and defeat would have been disastrous, with
the water to cross, while the British, if overpowered, could
easily regain Newport, it was thought best not to hazard it.

General Smith, pressing on, soon encountered General
Glover, who repulsed him, and the enemy took possession of
their works on Quaker Hill, the Hessian columns forming on
the high ground which extends from that hill towards the
north. By the time these two wings had united in this
position, they had been strengthened by nearly all the British
reserves. A mile farther north, separated by marshy mea-
dow, interspersed with trees and copse, the main body of the

82 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

Americans were drawn up in three lines, the front on Butt's
Hill, in advance of their works, the second behind them, and
their reserve about half a mile farther back, near a creek.

A heavy cannonade commenced about nine, and lasted
throughout the day. There was skirmishing between the
advanced parties for the next hour, when two ships of war,
and some light-armed vessels, coming up the bay, opened a
fire on the American right, under cover of which the enemy
endeavored to turn its flank, and storm an advanced redoubt.
The action then became general along the line, and for nearly
seven hours raged without intermission. The two armies
were nearly matched in numbers, equally brave and resolute.
The space was limited, and the carnage frightful. Down the
slope of Anthony's Hill, the western continuation of Quaker
Hill, the Hessian columns and British infantry twice rushed,
but were driven back with great slaughter. Sixty were found
dead in one spot; at another, thirty Hessians were buried
in the same grave.

General Greene commanded on the right. Of the four
brigades under his immediate command, — Varnum's, Cornell's,
Glover's, and Greene's, — all suflFered severely, but General
Varnum's, perhaps, the most. A third time, the enemy un-
daunted, in greater force, attempted to assail the redoubt, and
would have carried it, had not some continental battalions,
which Sullivan ordered up, seasonably arrived to its relief.
It was in repulsing these furious onsets that the newly raised
black regiment, under Colonel Greene, distinguished itself by
desperate valor. Posted behind a thicket in the valley, they
thrice drove back the Hessians, who charged repeatedly down
the hill to dislodge them ; and so determined were the enemy
in these successive charges, that the day after the battle the
Hessian colonel, upon whom this duty devolved, applied to
exchange his command and go to New York ; stating as his
reason that he dared not lead his regiment again to battle,
lest his men should shoot him for having caused them so
much loss.

MAJOB-OEXERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 83

LovelPs brigade of Massachusetts militia was at' the same
time engaged with the British right with good success. Two
well-served batteries silenced the ships of war, and the
British, at last giving way, were driven to their works on
Quaker Hill, one of their batteries being captured. Sullivan
was disposed to attack them in their lines ; but his troops being
completely exhausted, — having been thirty-six hours without
rest or food, continually on the march, at labor in completing
their defences, or in battle, — he was persuaded to defer it.
Both armies occupied their camps ; but, as the enemy had made
the attack and were defeated, the Americans could reasonably
claim it as a victory. The artillery kept up a cannonade till
night-fall, but the battle was not renewed. The American
loss was two hundred and eleven ; the British has been stated
to have amounted to one thousand and twenty-three, — nearly
one-fifth of their force engaged. The contest was in a con-
tracted space, under the immediate direction of Sullivan, and
to him certainly belongs the credit accorded to the com-
mander in a successful engagement. On his staff, that day,
served two of his brothers, — Colonel Eben Sullivan, his aide-
de-camp, and James, then at the age of thirty-four Judge
of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, and subsequently
governor of that State, who had laid aside his judicial robes
to volunteer on the expedition.

Early the next day, which was Sunday, despatches from
Washington apprised Sullivan of Clinton's departure from
New York, with re-enforcements for Newport of from four
to five thousand men, and advised him to be on his guard.
Measures were promptly taken to withdraw his troops from
the island. General Glover, who had extricated the Ameri-
can army at Long Island two years before, collected boats
and superintended this operation, which was effected without
the slightest loss. Lafayette — who had ridden, in the saddle,
seventy miles to Boston, in seven hours, to persuade D'Estaing
to send down his land forces, and back in six hours and a half

84 THB KILITABT SERVICES 09

— commanded the rear guard. On Monday, arrived at New-
port the British re-enforcements.

" When we consider," says Arnold, the accomplished his-
torian of Rhode Island, from whose account of the engage-
ment — as the battle-field is in his neighborhood, and he has
enjoyed peculiar advantages for obtaining, from those who
were present, incidents of what took place — we have bor-
rowed largely in the foregoing relation, " that, of the five
thousand engaged in this battle, only about fifteen hundred
had ever before been in action, and that they were opposed
by veteran troops, superior both in number and discipline,
with a degree of obstinacy rarely equalled in the annals of
warfare, we can understand the remark said to have been
made by Lafayette, in speaking of the battle at Rhode Island,
that it was the best-fought action of the war." *

The day but one after the battle, — on Monday, the Slst
August, — Sullivan wrote Congress the following account of
what had taken place. As several particulars of interest, not
mentioned in this despatch, have been, from time to time,
obtained from other sources of information, the letter has
been preceded by a general narrative of the expedition. For
students of American history, as well as for the increasing
number of intelligent people who, in summer, are attracted
to the island by its proximity to the ocean, salubrity of cli-
mate, and natural charm, this minuteness of detail, even
where involving some repetition, will not be objectionable : —

Head* QUARTERS, Tiverton, Aug. 31, 1778.
Esteemed Sir, — Upon the Count d'Estaing's finding himself under
a necessity of going to Boston to repair the loss he sustained in the
late gale of wind, I thought it best to carry on my approaches with as
much vigor as possible against Newport, that no time might be lost in
making the attack upon the return of his fleet, or any part of it, to
co-operate with us. I had sent expresses to the Count to hasten his
return, which, I had no doubt, would at least bring part of his fleet to

* 2 Arnold, 487; 1 Charpentier, 418.

KAJOR-OENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 85

US in a few days. Our batteries played upon the enemy's works, for
several days, with apparent good success ; as the enemy's iire from the
outworl^s visibly grew weaker, "and they began to abandon some of
those next us : and, on the 27th, we found they had removed their can-
non from all the outworks except one. The town, of Newport is de-
fended by two lines, supported by several redoubts connected with the
lines. The first of these lines extends from a large pond, called East on
Pond, near to Tomminy Hill, and then turns off to the water, on the
north side of Windmill Hill. This line was defended by five redoubts
in front. The second line is more than a quarter of a mile within this,
and extends from the sea to the north side of the island, terminating
at the north battery. On the south, at the entrance by Easton's Beach,
where this line terminates, is a redoubt which commands the pass, and
has another redoubt about twenty rods on the north. There are a
number of small works interspersed between the lines, which render an
attack extremely hazardous on the land side, without a naval force to
oo-operate with it. I, however, should have attempted carrying the
works by storm, as soon as I found they had withdrawn their cannon
from their outworks, had I not found, to my great surprise, that the
volunteers, which composed great part of my army, had returned, and
reduced my numbers to little more than that of the enemy. Between
two and three thousand returned in the course of twenty-four hours,
and others were still going off, upon a supposition that nothing could
be done before the return of the fleet. Under these circumstances, and
the apprehension of the arrival of an English fleet, with a re-enforce-
ment to relieve the garrison, I sent away, to the main, all the heavy
articles that could be spared from the army; also, a large party was
detached to get the works in repair on the north end of the island, to
throw up some additional ones, and put in good repair the batteries at
Tiverton and Bristol, to secure a retreat in case of necessity. On
the 28th, a council was called, in which it was unanimously determined
to remove to the north end of the island, fortify our camp, secure our
communication with the main, and hold our ground on the i.'^land till
we could know whether the French fleet would soon return to our
assistance.

On the evening of the 28th, we moved, with our stores and bag-
gage, which had not been previously sent forward, and, about two in
the morning, encamped on Butt's. Hill, with our right extending to the
west road, and left to the east road ; the flanking and covering parties
still farther towards the water, on right and left One regiment was

86 THE MILITART SERVICES OF

posted in a redoubt advanced off the right of the first line ; (>olonel
Henrj B. Livingston, with a light corps, consisting of Colonel Jackson's
detachment and a detachment from the army, was stationed in the
east road. Another light corps, under command of Colonel Laurens,
Colonel Fleury, and Major Talbot, was posted on the west road.
These corps were posted nearly three miles in front : in the rear of
these was the picket of the army, commanded by Colonel Wade. The
enemy, having received intelligence of our movement, came out, early
in the morning, with nearly their whole force, in two column?*, advanced
in the two roads, and attacked our light corps. They made a brave
resistance, and were supported for some time by the picket. I ordered
a regiment to support Colonel Livingston, another to support Colonel
Laurens, and, at the same time, sent them orders to retire to the main
army in the best order they could. They kept up a retreating fire
upon the enemy, and retired, in excellent order, to the main army.
The enemy advanced on our left very near, but were repulsed by Gen-
eral Glover. Then they retired to Quaker Hill. The Hessian column
formed on a chain of hills running northward from Quaker Hill. Our
army was drawn up, the first line in front of the works on Butt's Hill ;
the second, in rear of the hill ; and the reserve, near a creek, and nearly
half a mile in rear of the first line. The distance between those hills
is about one mile. The ground between the hills is meadow-land, in-
terspersed with trees and small copse of wood. The enemy began a
cannonade upon us about nine in the morning, which was returned with
double force. Skirmishing continued between the advanced parties
until near ten o'clock, when the enemy's two ships of war and some
small armed vessels, having gained our right flank and began a fire, the
enemy bent their whole force that way, and endeavored to turn our
right, under cover of the ship's fire, and to take the advanced redoubt
on the right. They were twice driven back in great confusion ; but a
third trial was made with greater numbers and with more resolution,
which, had it not been for the timely aid sent forward, would have
succeeded. A sharp contest of nearly an hour ensued, in which the
cannon from both armies, placed on the hills, played briskly in support
of their own party. The enemy were at length routed, and fled, in
great confusion, to the hill where they first formed, and where they had
artillery and some works to cover them; leaving their dead and
wounded, in considerable numbers, behind them. It was impossible to
ascertain the number of dead on the fit'ld, as it could not be approached
by either party without being exposed to the cannon of the other

MA JOE-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 87

army. Our party recovered about twenty of their wounded, and took
nearly sixty prisoners, according to the best accounts I have been able
to collect. Among the prisonere is a lieutenant of grenadiers. The
number of their dead I have not been able to ascertain, but know
them to be very considerable. An officer informs me, that, in one
place, he counted sixty of their dead. Colonel Campbell came out the
next day to gain permission to view the field of action, to search for
his nephew, who was killed by his side ; whose body he could not get
off, as they were closely pursued. The firing of artillery continued
through the day, the musketry with intermission of six hours. The
heat of the action continued near an hour ; which must have ended in
the ruin of the British army, had not their redoubts on the hill covered
them from farther pursuit. We were about to attack them in their
lines ; but the men having had no rest the night before, and nothing to
eat either that night or the day of the action, and having been in con-
stant action through most of the day, it was not thought advisable,
especially as their position was exceedingly strong, and their numbers
fully equal, if not superior, to ours. Not more than fifleen hundred
of my troops had ever been in action before. I should before have
taken possession of the hill they occupied, and fortified it ; but it is no
defence against an enemy coming from the south part of the island,
though exceedingly good against one advancing from the north end
towards the town, and had been fortified by the enemy for that purpose.
I have the pleasure to inform Congress*, that no troops could possi-
bly show more spirit than those of ours which were engaged. Colonel
Livingston, and all the officers of the light corps, behaved with re-
markable spirit. Colonels Laurens, Fleury, and Major Talbot, with
the officers of that corps, behaved with great gallantry. The brigades
of the first line — Varnum*s, Glover's, Corneirs, and Greene's — be-
haved with great firmness. Major- General Greene, who commanded
in the attack on the right, did himself the highest honor, by the judg-
ment and bravery exhibited in the action. One brigade only of tlie
second line was brought to action, commanded by Brigadier-General
Lovell. He, and his brigade of militia, behaved with great resolution.
Colonel Crane and the officers of the artillery deserve the highest
praise. I inclose Congress a return of the killed, wounded, and miss-
ing on our side ; and beg leave to assure them, that, from my own obser-
vation, the enemy's loss must be much greater. Our army retired to
camp after the action ; the enemy employed themselves, through the
night, in fortifying their camp.

88 THE MILITARY SEBYICES OF

In the morning of the 30th, I received a letter from his Excellency
General Washington, giving me notice that Lord Howe had again
sailed with the fleet ; and receiving intelligence, at the same time, that
a fleet was off Block Island, and also a letter from Boston, informing
me that the Count d*Estaing could not come round so soon as I ex-
pected, a council was called, and, as we could have no prospect of
operating against Newport with success without the assistance of a
fleet, it was unanimously agreed to quit the island until the return of
the French squadron.

To make a retreat in the face of an enemy, equal, if not superior, in
number, and cross a river, without loss, I knew was an arduous task,
and seldom accomplished if attempted. As our sentries were within
two hundred yards of each other, I knew it would require the greatest
care and attention. To cover my design from the enemy, I ordered a
number of tents to be brought forward, and pitched in sight of the
enemy, and almost the whole army to employ themselves in fortifying
the camp. The heavy baggage and stores were falling back and cross-
ing through the day ; at dark, the tents were struck, and the light bag-
gage and troops passed down; and, before twelve o'clock, the main
army had crossed, with the stores and baggage. The Marquis de La-
fayette arrived, about eleven in the evening, from Boston ; where he
had been, by request of the general oflicers, to solicit the speedy return
of the fleet. He was sensibly mortified that he was out of action; and,
that lie might not be out of the way in case of action, he had ridden
hence to Boston in seven hours, and returned in six and a half, — the
distance nearly seventy miles. He returned in time enough to bring
off the pickets and other parties which covered the retreat of the army,
which he did in excellent order : not a man was lefl behind, nor the
smallest article lost.

I hope my conduct through this expedition may merit the appro-
bation of Congress. Major Morris, one of my aids, will have the honor
of delivering this to your Excellency. I must beg leave to recommend
him to Congress as an officer who, in the last as well as several other
actions, has behaved with great spirit and good conduct ; and doubt not
Congi*e8S will take such notice of him as his long service and spirited
conduct deserves.

P.S. — The event has proved how timely my retreat took place, as
one hundred sail of the enemy's ships arrived in the harbor on the
morning after the retreat. I should do the highest injustice if I neg-
lected to mention, that Brigadier - General Cornell's indefatigable

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 89

industry in preparing for the expedition, and his good conduct through
the whole, merit particular notice. Major Talbot, who assisted in
preparing the boats, and afterwards served in Colonel Laurens's corps,
deserves great praise.

If disappointed, the failure of this expedition was from no
fault of Sullivan. In the estimation of the unreflecting, who
possess no other criterion of merit but success, he may be
censured for not eflFecting impossibilities. Washington him-
self, judged by the same standard, came near falling a victim
to unreasonable prejudice. ,

General Greene, always the steadfast friend of Sullivan as
of Washington, was ready to acknowledge his good generalship
on this as on all other occasions. Emulation in the cause for
which they both were gallantly and eflFectively contending,
never degenerated into rivalry, or disturbed their friendly
relations. On the 6th of September, he wrote to John
Brown: — ^ a^/^ c^''^*

Sir, — In all republican governments, every person that acts in a
public capacity must naturally expect to have observations and stric-
tures made upon his conduct. This is a tax generally laid, under all
free governments, upon their officers, either civil or military, however
meritorious. I am not surprised to hear the late unsuccessful expedi-
tion against Newport fall under some degree of censure ; but I must
confess that I am not a little astonished to hear, from such a principal
character in society as yourself, illiberal reflections against a gentle-
man, merely because his measures did not coincide with your opinion.

This expedition was planned upon no other consideration than that
of the French fleet co-operating with the American troops. The
strength of the garrison was considered, and a force ordered to be
levied accordingly, that might be sufficient to complete its reduction.
In forming the estimate, the aid of the fleet, and the assistance of
3,500 French forces on board the fleet, were taken into consideration.
The loss of this force, and of the aid of the fleet, was a sufficient
reason for abandoning the expedition.

You say you think it was ill planned, and worse conducted, and,
in the first place, that the forces were drawn together at an improper
place. I must beg leave to dissent from you in this opinion. Was
there any time lost by the Continental troops coming to Providence ?

90 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

There was not ; for they were all collected there some days before the
militia. Would it not have been extremely difficult, if not absolutely
impossible, for the forces to act in concert, — one body being at Tiver-
ton, and the other at Boston Neck ? Divided, they would have been
unequal to the descent. If either party was sufficient of itself, the other
was superfluous. Besides the objections to a division and the distance
apart, there are two other objections against the measure. One was
the difficulty of embarking a body of troops from that rugged shore,
the delays that storms and high winds might produce, the accidents
that might happen in crossing where there is usually a heavy swell,
and the danger that sea-sickness would unfit the men for action. The
other, that there were no stores or magazines of any kind at South
Kingston to equip and furnish the troops ; besides which, it was neces-
sary for the General to have all his troops together, that he might
select out the men and officers suitable for the enterprise. If the
troops had been collected at South Kingston, it would have too fully
explained our intention, and put the enemy upon their guard. Where-
as, landing upon the north end of the island led the enemy into a belief
that we intended to carry the garrison by regular approaches ; which
would have given us an opportunity of re-embarking the troops, and
landing upon the south part of the island, without being mistrusted.
This was the plan of attack ; and it might have succeeded, had our
strength been sufficient and the disembarkation covered by the fleet.

You cannot suppose that General Sullivan wants spirit or ambition
to attempt any thing that reason or common sense can justify. It is
the business of every general officer, desirous of disti/iguishing him-
self, to court all opportunities to engage with the enemy, when the
situation and condition of his own forces and that of theirs will admit
of it ; but the safety of our country is a greater object, with every
man of principle, than present glory.

Before a general officer engages in any hazardous enterprise, he
should well consider the consequences of success and failure, — whether
the circumstances of the community will not render one infinitely more
prt-judicial than the other can be beneficial. The strength and quality
of the troops to be attacked should be considered ; how they can best
be approached, and by what means a retreat be secured. He has also
to take into consideration the number and quality of his own troops,
how they are found, what temper they are of, whether they are regular
or irregular, and how they are officered. Even the wind and weather
are necessary considerations, and not to be neglected.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 91

I have known people foolish enough to insist that it was only neces-
sary for a general to lead on his forces to ensure success, without
regard to the strength or situation of the enemy, or the number or
goodness of his own troops. Those that have often been in action
only can judge what is to be expected of good, bad, and indifferent
troops. Men are often struck with panic ; and they are generally sub-
ject to that passion, in a greater or less degree, according as discipline
has formed the mind, by habit, to meet danger and death. Many a
man has gone from home with a determined resolution to meet the
enemy, that has shamefully quitted the field from want of habitual
fortitude. Men often feel courageous at a distance from danger, that
faint through fear when they come to be exposed to it. Pride and
sentiment support the officer; habit and enthusiasm, the soldier-
Without these, there is no safe reliance upon men.

I remember you recommended an attempt to effect a landing upon
the south part of the island, the night we returned from the fleet ; but
I could not possibly suppose you to be serious, because it was impos-
sible for us to get the boats round seasonably, draw out the men and
officers proper for the descent, and effect a landing, before day. It was
therefore impracticable, if it had been ever so eligible. But I am far
from thinking, under our circumstances, the measure would have been
justifiable by reason or common sense, in a common view ; much less
by military maxims. The day after the fleet sailed, a great change
took place in the two armies, but particularly in ours, whose spirits
all drooped upon the departure of the fleet, except the few regular
troops, and it had its effect upon them. They felt that nothing could
be attempted with any hope of success ; whereas the garrison in New-
port, that before gave themselves up for lost, now collected new cour-
age, and would have defended themselves with double obstinacy.

Suppose General Sullivan had attempted a landing, and actually
effected it, and the garrison had defeated his troops, what would have
been the consequence ? The whole would have been made prisoners ;
and not only the party that landed, but all those that remained in camp,
taken, with all our stores of every kind. Was the object important
enough for such a risk? Was the chance equal of our succeeding?
Every one that will suffer himself to reflect a moment will readily
agree, that neither the importance of the object nor the chance of
succeeding would have warranted the attempt. It must be confessed,
the loss of such a gariisou would have given the British army a deadly
wound ; but the loss of our army would have put our cause in jeop-

92 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

ardy. Remember the effect of the loss of the garrison of Fort
Washington. There were men enough there to have defended them-
selves against all the British army, had they not been struck with
panic ; but, being most of them irregular troops, they lost all confidence
when the danger began to grow pressing, and fell a prey to their fears.

But when you take into consideration the little prospect of our
effecting a landing, where there were batteries almost all round the
shores, and the enemy had cutters to intercept any attempt, as also
guard-boats to discover them, the measure would look more like mad-
ness than rational conduct.

There was another objection : our force was wholly inadequate. The
party detached to make the landing should have been superior to the
whole garrison. That left in camp to cover the stores, and co-operate
occasionally with the detachment after they had effected a landing,
should have been equally strong. Either might have been so circum-
stanced as to render it necejisary to be able, independent of the other,
to resist the whole British garrison. If the party landed had not been
superior to the garrison, and been defeated, having no ships to cover
their retreat, all would have been lost. Or if, during the embarkation,
the garrison had made an attack upon the troops left in the camp, they
would have been put to rout, and made prisoners, and all our cannon
and stores captured.

These are common and probable events in war, and to be guarded
against accordingly. The garrison at Newport was generally thought
to be 6,000 strong, including sailors. Our force amounted to almost
9,000; indeed, the field-returns made it but 8,174, and the much
greater part of these militia : but I would swell it to the utmost ex-
tent, and still you see it will fall far short of the necessary number to
warrant the measure, even supposing ours to have been all regular
troops. And here I cannot help remarking, that some people seem desir-
ous of deceiving themselves with regard to our strength. They rather
incline to credit the votes of Assembly, and the resolves of councils of
war, with regard to numbers, than returns actually taken upon the
ground. Some assert, that our strength must have been much greater
than appears by our returns from the number of rations that were
drawn. I remember very well, last winter, at Valley Forge, our army
drew 32,000 rations, when the most we could muster for duty was but
7,500 men ; and, in all irregular armies, there will be, generally, a
third more rations drawn than in a well-appointed one for the same
effective strength. No safe conclusion can be drawn from the rations :

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 93

their being greater or less is no evidence of the real strength of an
army.

1 am further informed, that you think this expedition the worst con-
certed and executed of the war. I differ widely from you in opinion.
I think it prudently concerted, and honorably and faithfully executed.
If the General had attempted to storm the lines, he would have met
with disastrous defeat. It has been urged, that, because the Northern
army carried Burgoyne's lines, these might have been attempted with
equal success ; not adverting to the difference of cii*cumstauces. These
lines were ten times as strong as those of Burgoyne ; besides which,
the enemy came out of their lines there, and our people drove them
back again, and entered, pell mell, with them. Burgoyne's force was
much less than this garrison, his troops much dispirited, the army that
surrounded them more than as strong again as ours in regular troops.

Remember the loss of the British • army before Ticonderoga, last
war, in attempting to storm lines, inconsiderable compared with the
fortifications at Newport, and defended with a less number of men in
the works than were here ; recollect the fate of the British army at
Bunker's Hill, attacking slight works, defended by new-levied troops ;
consider the disgrace and defeat that happened to the Hessians in the
attack upon the inconsiderable redoubt at Red Bank, — and then judge
what prospect General Sullivan had of success in making an attack,
with an army composed, principally, of raw militia, upon a garrison as
strong as that at Newport ; consisting, almost wholly, of regular troops,
and fortified so securely as they were. There was but one possible
mode of attack, — by storm, — which was proposed to the General;
but the men necessary for the attempt could not be found, and con-
sequently the attack could not be made.

I am told you censure General Sullivan for not bringing on a gen-
eral action, and urge my opinion as a proof of the propriety. I
remember you asked me, when you were at the island, on the evening
of the day of the battle, why there had not been a general action. I
told you, that I had advised one in the morning ; but that I believed
the General had taken the more prudent measure. He had fought
them by detachment, defeated and disgraced them, without running
any great risk.

Our numbers, at the time we left the enemy's lines, were not much
superior to the garrison. We knew they expected a re-enforcement
hourly. Had any considerable force arrived the night we retreated,
landed, and marched out with the old garrison, we should have met

94 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

with a defeat. The smallness of our numbers, the dispirited state of
all troops on a retreat, together with the probability of the enemy's
having received a re-enforcement, determined the General not to risk
a general action, when he was sure of advantage by keeping on the
defensive. By risking a general action, he exposed the whole of the
troops to ruin, and he thought the other measure more advisable. Both
of us, upon cool reflection, so think now, although I thought otherwise
at the time.

I have seen as much service, almost, as any man in the American
army, and have been in as many or more actions than any one ; I
know the character of all our general officers, as well as any one ; and,
if I am any judge, the expedition has been prudently and well con-
ducted : and I am confident there is not a general officer, from the
Commander-in-chief to the youngest in the field, that would have gone
greater lengths, to have given success to the expedition, than General
Sullivan. He is sensible, active, ambitious, brave, and persevering in his
temper ; and the object was sufficiently important to make him despise
every difficulty opposed to his success, as far as he was at liberty to
consult his own reputation : but the public good is of higher impor-
tance than personal glory, and the one is not to be gratified at the risk
and expense of the other. I recollect your observation when on board
the fleet, • — that the reputation of the principal officers depended upon
the success of the expedition. I have long since learned to despise
vulgar prejudices, and to regulate my conduct by maxims more noble
than popular sentiment. I have an honest ambition of meriting the
approbation of the public ; but I will never act contrary to my judg-
ment, or violate my honor or convictions, for temporary repute.

If the Congress, or any particular State which intrusts their troops
under my command, thinks proper to give orders to run all risks and
hazards to occupy a point, I should cheerfully lead on the men ; but,
where left discretionary, I must act agreeably to the dictates of my own
judgment.

People, from consulting their wishes, rather than their reason, and
by forming an estimate of the spirit and firmness of irregular troops
more from general orders sounding their praise, than from any par-
ticular knowledge of their conduct, are led to expect more from such
troops, than is in the power of any person to effect.

I would also remark, that an attack with militia, in an open country
where they could retire after defeat, might be very prudent, which
would be very rash and unwarrantable upon an island.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 95

I have written this much in justification of one whom I esteem a
good officer, and who, I think, is much more deserving your thanks
than reproach, as well as that of the public. With regard to myself,
it was unnecessary for me to say any thing in justification of the meas-
ure of assembling the troops at Providence. 1 had no voice in it:
neither was I opposed to a storm, providing a proper number of men,
of a suitable quality, could be found fit for the attempt. My advice
for a general action, I think, was wrong; and the retreat that fol-
lowed, everybody must allow, was necessary, and that it was well
conducted.

I have been told, that your brother Nicholas let fall some very un- »
generous insinuations with regard to me, a few days before the action )
upon the island. These are the rewards and gracious returns I am to \
expect, for years of hard and dangerous service, when every sacrifice ) Af-^^^T^ •
of interest, ease, and domestic pleasure has been made to the service of
my country. I flatter myself I am not dependent upon the State i
of Rhode Island for either my character or consequence in life. Yet
I cannot help feeling mortified that those who have been at home
making their fortunes', and living in the lap of luxury, and enjoying
all the pleasures of domestic life, should be the first to sport with the .
feelings of officers who have stood as a barrier between them and ruin.

On the 17th of September, on motion of Mr. Marchant,
Congress resolved that the retreat was prudent, timely, and
well conducted ; and that their thanks be given to General
Sullivan, and to the officers and troops under his command,
for their fortitude and bravery displayed in the action of
Aug. 29th, in which they repulsed the British forces, and
maintained the field. Complimentary votes of acknowledg-
ment were passed also by the Legislatures of Rhode Island
and New Hampshire. Mr. Marchant, in communicating to
Sullivan the resolves of Congress, writes as follows : —

Sir, — I have to congratulate you upon the acknowledged general-
ship which you displayed in the late expedition against Rhode Island.
Not to you, sir, or the brave troops under your command, is to be
attributed the failing in the full success which appearances at first
gave us rational expectations of. I resolve that unto those accidents,
or rather counsels of Divine Providence, which are often for good
and wise purposes hid from human investigation ; and so resolving, I

96 THE MILITART SERVICES OF

wish we may humbly submit, thankful that it pleased Heaven in the
midst of severe disappointment to crown our lives with laurels of
honor. I did myself the honor of bringing into CJongress such reso-
lutions upon that occasion as I thought wise, due from the public to
your zeal and bravery and good conduct, and that display of fortitude
and spirit which animates the officers and troops. Those resolutions,
with some several alterations, were passed. They are contained in
the paper inclosed. I shall not fail to inform the State I have the
honor to represent, of the justice you have done to their great exertions
and the interest you take in procuring them some relief from their
enormous burdens. I assure you, sir, I feel myself interested in
whatever affects either your honor or happiness, and it shall ever be
my study to promote both while you are thus eminently continuing to
merit them ; and I doubt not you will fiad your reward in a grateful
country.

General Sullivan continued in command at Rhode Island
during the following winter. When he was called to a more
active field of service, " a meeting was held in Providence to
express the feeling of respect entertained for this favorite
general, and addresses were also presented to him from the
officers in the state military, medical and staff, and also
from the order of Freemasons. A voluntary escort attended
his departure as far as Johnston, where a public dinner was
given him by his late companions-in-arms."

As but fifteen years had elapsed since Great Britain, by
the aid of her colonies, wrested Canada from Prance, the
hope of regaining it naturally mingled in the motives which
prompted the alliance. After the capture of Burgoyne, in
1777, measures had been concerted for an expedition in that
direction, and in the following year another was proposed
from Albany, of which Lafayette was to have taken command.
But the resources of the country being completely exhausted
by the vigorous exertions of 1777 and 1778, the army reduced
to about sixteen thousand men, of whom three thousand
were in New England, our financial condition utterly de-
plorable, the plan was necessarily abandoned, and Lafayette

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 97

went home. This was, upon the whole, fortunate ; for had
success attended the co-operation of Prance, she might have
claimed that the province should be restored to herself. For
more than a century, she had contended with Great Britain
for her American possessions ; and some of her statesmen
considered the conjuncture propitious to satisfy wounded
pride, and regain her lost dominion.

After a conference at Philadelphia with a committee of
Congress, as to what should be attempted in the ensuing
campaign, Washington, on the 15th January, 1779, stated to
them his conclusions in writing. As no reasonable expec-
tation could be entertained of collecting sufficient forces for
an attack to advantage on New York or Rhode Island, and
the invasion of Canada was too hazardous and expensive, he
advised the strictest economy in all branches of public expen-
diture, that the efficiency of the army should rather be in-
creased by discipline and organization than by numbers, and
that, by improving the condition of officers and soldiers, the
service should be rendered popular. While prepared to seize
any opportunity that might be presented, they should remain
on the defensive, except such lesser operations against the
Indians as would protect the frontier from their ravages.
Should the British troops, as was in contemplation, be with-
drawn to the Southern States, whose staples supported the
war, the invasion of Canada might become feasible ; and he
says, that he had already directed preparations to be made
against such a contingency. His advice was adopted ; and,
Schuyler and Gates declining, the command of an expedition
against the Five Nations, — Mohawks, Senecas, Oneidas,
Cayugas, and Onondagas, — to be pushed, if warranted by
events, against Canada, by way of Niagara, a fort whence the
Indians drew their supplies, was accepted by Sullivan.

Sullivan immediately proceeded to headquarters to con-
sult with Washington, and the day following their conference

addressed him as follows : —

98 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

Mat it please tour Excellenct, — I have examined and com-
pared the several maps with the written accounts of the Indian
country, which were laid before me by your Excellency, and have
considered the plan of the expedition proposed : and beg leave to
make the following observations, viz. : —

That though the number of Indians in that country appears, from
information, to be but about 2,000, yet underrating the number of the
enemy has been a prevailing error with the Americans since the com-
mencement of the war. This is ever a source of misfortune, and has
to some armies proved fatal. As in no instance it could be more dan-
gerous than in the present intended expedition, it will be necessary to
consider whether there is not a probability of the enemy being more
numerous than General Schuyler's account makes them. It is indeed
probable he may have obtained nearly a just account of the number of
Indians in each tribe ; but it is impossible that he should have gained
an accurate account of the number of Tories and fresh volunteers who
have joined the parties commanded by Butler and their other leaders.
I therefore conclude that his account can only respect the Indians in-
habiting the part of the country to be invaded ; if so, the number of
the enemy which may be expected to oppose our force must far ex-
ceed his account.

The enemy are now possessed of an opinion that an expedition is
intended against Canada, by way of Lake Ontario. This may prob-
ably induce them to send all the force they can possibly spare from
Canada to act in conjunction with the armed vessels, to oppose our
passing from the Mohawk into the river Iroquois through the Lakes ;
but, should the demonstrations in the Cohoes country puzzle and
perplex them, it can only serve to keep them in Canada, until the
real intention is known, which will happen as soon as the main body
of the army is found on the Susquehannah. They will then un-
doubtedly turn their whole force to defeat that party which passes
up the Mohawk, that they may be the better enabled to combat the
other which advances by the Susquehannah. Should, therefore, the
party which advances by the Mohawk be small, they must, if they
advance far iuto the country, be cut off; aud, if they do not advance,
little or no advantage can be derived from it. I am therefore clearly
of opinion, that the main body should advance by that route, and
the smaller party by the Susquehannah ; though this last party
should be at least equal to the estimated force of the Indian na-
tions. If this is the case, they must carry conquest before them, as

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 99

they can have no other force to engage, but what is derived from the
Indians themselves. The force of the other party should be nearly
equal to the collective force of the Indians, and that of the Britons
and Tories, which may probably be detached from Canada : I say
nearly equal, because it cannot be doubted but the advance of the
party up the Susquehannah will demand the attention of some of
the nations who live nearest Tioga.

It has been objected that the retreat of the main body may be cut
off, if they pass up the Mohawk and down to Cayuga Lake ; but
this objection applies with much greater force and propriety to send-
ing a small party that way. It has been said, that, in case of mis-
fortune, a retreat may be better made by the Susquehannah, than by
the Mohawk. This is an argument much in favor of the smaller
body passing that way. But the main body should be of sufficient
force to command victory wherever they go, and to form a junction
with the SusquehRunah party at all events. The largeness of the
party will much distract the enemy, as they cannot know, until it
arrives at the fork of the river, near Lake Ontario, whether the real
design is against Canada or the Indian natioos.

The party advancing by the Susquehannah may probably be con-
sidered as destined to make a feint to keep the Indians at home ;
but should it be considered intended to destroy the Indian country,
it will actually have this effect, give the main body an opportunity to
defeat with ease all parties which may be sent agaiust it from Canada,
and form a junction with the Susquehannah party between Cayuga
Lake and Chemung, which two places are but forty miles distant from
each other. There will be an additional advantage in the main body
coming this way, as it will come iu the rear of the enemy, and pre-
vent their retreat to Niagara. Should the main body advance by the
Susquehannah, it will come in front of the enemy, and give them an
opportunity to retreat in any direction they think proper ; especially
as the smaller part of the army, should it advance by the Mohawk,
must move with great caution and deliberation lest their retreat
should be cut off, and the party subjected to a total defeat. But
should the main body advance that way confident of its own superi-
ority, they will move with that necessary firmness which conscious-
ness of superiority seldom fails to inspire ; and of course they will be
more likely to cut off the retreat of the Indians, and give them a fatal
blow. The smaller party, being sure of a retreat, may move with-
out that danger to which it would be exposed on the other route, and
much sooner co-operate with the main body.

100 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Besides, let me observe, that, as the party which advances by the
Mohawk will have the enemy on all sides, it would be bad policy,
as well as contrary to every military rule, to suffer that party to be
the smallest. The number of troops to be sent by the Susquehannah
should in my opinion be 2,500, which, when the posts for magazines
are established at Augusta, Wyoming, Wyalusing, and Tioga, will be
reduced to less than 2,000. The party sent by the Mohawk should
consist of 4,000, which, by draughts for boatmen, provisions guards,
and a detachment to make a feint at Cherry Valley, will be reduced
nearly to 3,000. With this force the business may be effectually done,
and with such expedition as will prevent the enemy from escaping, and
in the end will be attended with much less expense than a smaller
party.

As this expedition is intended to cut off these Indian nations, and
to convince others that we have it in our power to carry the war
into their own country whenever they commence hostilities, it will
be necessary that the blow should be sure and fatal ; otherwise they
will derive confidence from our ineffectual attempts, and become more
insolent than before. If, therefore, the circumstances of the army
and country will not admit of a proper force, it will be much better
not to make the attempt, than to make an ineffectual one. With
respect to supplies by way of Albany, it is a great flour country,
and a sufficiency of live stock may be procured from Connecticut and
other parts, and forage may be had with as little difficulty there,
as by way of Susquehannah. Besides this, as the army must embark
on the Susquehannah at Augusta, it will not be so long a route from
the well-inhabited country on the Mohawk to the centre of the Indian
settlements, as from Augusta to Chemung.

In order that the main army may suffer as little as possible from
a deduction of force, I would propose, that, in addition to the force
already mentioned. Poor's brigade should be taken from Connecticut,
where they are not wanted, and Glover's from Providence, the place
of which may be supplied by State troops stipulated by the New-
England States. And, in addition to these, some militia might be
ordered for three months, to complete the number proposed.

The next day he wrote again to Washington : —

Dear General, — As your Excellency has honored me with an
appointment to command the intended expedition, I must beg leave
to lay my sentiments before you in writing ; as words used in conver

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 101

sation may vanish in air, and the remembrance of them be lost,
while writing will remain to justify my opinion, or prove it erroneous.
The variety of reasons which I urged yesterday, for passing with the
main body up the Mohawk River, and down by Wood Creek, to the
Cayuga Lake, still have their weight in my mind ; but as General
Schuyler writes that they cannot be supplied with provisions, the
plan must be given up, and that of passing with the main body up
the Susquehannah adopted. The force which I have requested for
that quarter is 3,000 effective men ; after all proper deductions are
made for guards at the several posts, for boatmen, hospital guards,
tenders.

That these troops should be collected before we enter the Indian
country, appears to me essentially necessary, as it is supposed that the
principal opposition we shall meet with will be between Wyoming
nud Tioga. Should this be tlie case, as seemed to be the general
opinion in Council yesterday, we can derive no advantage from the
party on the Mohawk, as they are not to join us until we have estab-
lished a post at Tioga. Should they attempt to join us before, they
must be defeated in passing down the Susquehannah ; and should our
numbers be such as will admit of a defeat before we arrive at
Tioga, as we can have no communication with the other party, and
they are to regulate themselves by a plan fixed before we march,
they will remain ignorant of our defeat, and, proceeding at the time
appointed, in all probability fall into the hands of the enemy. If
we are to expect the principal opposition before we arrive at Tioga,
we cannot reckon, as any part of our force, troops which are not to
join us before we have passed the principal danger. Indeed, I have
no great dependence upon the advantages to be derived from so small
a party in that quarter. It was yesterday said, that we might ex-
pect 1,400 Indians to oppose us on our march. Your Excellency
will permit me to say, that 1,400 Indians perfectly acquainted with
the country, capable of seizing any advantage which the ground can
possibly afford, familiar with the use of arms, inured to war from
their youth, and from their manner of living capable of enduring
every kind of fatigue, are no despicable enemy, when opposed to 3,000
troops, totally unacquainted with the country and the Indian manner
of figliting, and who, though excellent in the field, are far from having
that exactness with firearms, or that alertness in a woody country,
which Indians have.

So many facts have contributed to prove this, it will be unneces-

102 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

sary for me to say more upon the subject. If I was not a party con-
cerned in the expedition, and my opinion was asked of \he force
necessary to insure success, I should advise, that the force of each
party should be equal to the highest estimate of the enemy's force,
that they might be able to form a junction at all events, and put
the matter beyond the possibility of a doubt ; and thus they would be
enabled to detach and conquer the country in an eighth part of the
time that they would, if obliged for their own security to keep in a
body. I know that the force of the Indians is estimated as incon-
siderable ; but when I consider, that underrating the number of the
enemy has been a prevailing error with us since the commencement
of the war, that we have had persons from among them, inhabit-
ants and deserters, have had the proceedings, debates, and calculations
of Parliament before us, and yet have repeatedly mistaken their num-
bers more than one half, I cannot suppose but that we are still liable
to fall into the same error where we can have no evidence, and
every thing told us respecting them is mere matter of opinion.

Let me, moreover, repeat what I observed to you yesterday, that
there is some probability of a force being sent from Canada, to pre-
vent our passing into Canada by way of Lake Ontario. When our
advance upon the Susquehanuah is known, it will probably be conjec-
tured that our intention is against Niagara, which will induce the
enemy strongly to re-enforce that post. Tliis they may do in a fort-
night, as it is but a hundred and ten miles from Montreal to Oswe-
gatchie, and their vessels can take troops from thence to Niagara in
three or four days. When they find our intention is against the
Indian settlements, these troops will undoubtedly join them. From
these considerations, it must appear that the demand I have made is
far from being unreasonable, even exclusive of the party sent on their
flanks. I well know that Continental troops cannot be spared for
this purpose, but good militia should undoubtedly be called for. This
expedition is undertaken to destroy these Indian nations, and to con-
vince others that we have it in our power to carry the war into their
country whenever they commence hostilities. Should we fail in the
attempt, the Indians will derive confidence from it, and grow more
insolent than before.

Thus have I submitted my sentiments to your Excellency, and
trust that my reasoning upon the subject must prove, that 3,000 good
and effective men, at least, will be necessary to march from Tioga ;
exclusive of those which your Excellency may think proper to direct
to operate on the other flank of the enemy.

MAJOR-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 103

He wrote two weeks later, on the 29th of April, to Gover-
nor Clinton, of New York : —

Dear Sir, — I take the liberty of communicating to you, in con-
fidence, that I am to have the honor of commanding an expedition
against the Indians of the Six Nations.

The main body of our army is to move up the Susquehannah to
Tioga ; the York troops are to march up to Canojoharie, take bat-
teaux across land into Otsego Lake, pass down the Susquehannah,
and form a junction with the main army at Tioga, which is at the .
mouth of the Cayuga branch of the Susquehannah. As the York
regiments are very weak, and as it may be necessary for that party
to be of sufficient strength to repel every effort of the Indians, I sub-
mit it to your judgment, whether it will not be necessary to have your
regiments so far filled up by drafts, or otherwise, as to enable
them to force their way at all events, and to destroy on their march
such Indian settlements as may be near the river. As it is a matter
of the utmost importance to the States in general, and to yours in
particular, to have these Indians totally rooted out, I doubt not you
will give every assistance in your power towards augmenting the
strength of the. party ; and also towards supplying them with the ne- .
cessary provisions, as I fear the commissaries may disappoint us in
that article. I must intreat every assistance in your Excellency's
power, and that you will keep the contents of this letter a profound
secret.

Without loss of time, Sullivan proceeded to Easton to ex-
pedite preparations. His correspondence with Washington,
President Reed, and the Quartermaster's Department, prove
that he spared no effort to carry out with despatch and thor-
oughness the duty assigned him. Prom the exhausted state
of the country, supplies were not very speedily forthcoming,
and he occasionally used phrases which were deemed impor-
tunate; but the sequel proved that his estimate was correct
as to what the exigencies of the service demanded. His

movements depended upon others, and there were the usual

delays and disappointments attending such enterprises ; but,
not discouraged, many obstacles in his path were avoided or
overcome, and the despatch was certainly beyond all reason-

104 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

able expectation. Directions for the conduct of the campaign
from the commander-in-chief, dated May 31, 1779, reached
him after he had promulgated his own orders to theT army.
These instructions, as received by him, were as follows, the
passages in brackets being omitted by Mr. Sparks, in his col-
lection of Washington's Writings, vol. vi., p. 264: —

Sir, — The expedition you are appointed to command is to be
directed against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians,
with their associates and adherents. The immediate object is their
total destruction and devastation, and the capture of as many persons
of every age and sex as possible. [It will be essential to ruin their
crops now in the ground, and prevent their planting more.]

The troops to be employed are Clinton, Maxwell, Poor, and
Hand's brigades, and the independent companies raised in the State
of Pennsylvania. In Hand's brigade, I comprehend all the detached
corps of Continental troops now on the Susqnehannah, and Spencer's
regiment. Cortland's I consider as belonging to Clinton's brigade.
Alden's may go to Poor's, and Butler's and the rifle corps to Max-
well's or Hand's, according to circumstances. Clinton's brigade,
you are informed, has been ordered to rendezvous at Canojoharie,
subject to your orders, either to form a junction with the main body
on the Susqnehannah by way of Otsego, or to proceed up the Mo-
hawk River and co-operate in the best manner circumstances will
permit, as you judge most advisable.

So soon as your preparations are in sufficient forwardness, you
will assemble your main body at Wyoming, and proceed to Tioga, tak-
ing from that place the most direct and practicable route into the heart
of the Indian settlements. You will establish such intermediate posts
as you think necessary for the security of your communications and
convoys ; nor need I caution you, while you leave a sufficiency of men
for their defence, to take care to diminish your operating forces as lit-
tle as possible. A fort at Tioga will be particularly necessary, — either
a stockade fort or an entrenched camp. If the latter, a blockhouse
should be erected in the interior. I would recommend that some fort
in the centre of the Indian country should be occupied with all expedi-
tion, with a sufficient quantity of provisions ; -whence parties should
be detached to lay waste all the settlements around, with' instructions
to do it in the most effectual manner, that the country may not be
merely overrun^ but destroyed. I beg leave to suggest, as general rules

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 105

that ought to govern your operations, to make, rather than receive,
attacks, attended with as much impetuosity, shouting, and noise as
possible ; and to make the troops act in as loose and dispersed a way
as is consistent with a proper degree of government, concert, and mu- /
tual support. It should be previously impressed upon the minds of
the men, wherever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the war
whoop and fixed bayonet. Nothing will disconcert and terrify the
Indians more than this.

[I need not urge the necessity of using every method in your
power to gain intelligence of the enemy's strength, motions, and de-
signs ; nor need I suggest the extraordinary degree of vigilance and
caution which will be necessary to guard against surprises from an
adversary so secret, desultory, and rapid as the Indians. If a detach-
ment operates on the Mohawk River, the commanding officer should
be instructed to be very watchful that no troops come from Oswe-
gatchie and Niagara to Oswego without his knowledge; and for
this purpose he should keep trusty spies at those three places, to
advertise him instantly of the movement of any party, and its
force. This detachment should also endeavor to keep a constant in-
tercourse with the main body. More than common care will be ne-
cessary of your arms and ammunition, from the nature of the service :
they should be particularly inspected after a rain, or the passage of
any deep water.] After you have very thoroughly completed the
destruction of their settlements, if the Indians should show a disposi-
tion for peace, I would have you encourage it, on condition that they
will give some decisive evidence of their sincerity, by delivering up
some of the principal instigators of their past hostilities into our
hands, — Butler, Brant, the most mischievous of the Tories that have
joined them, or any others they may have in their power, that
we are interested to get into ours. They may possibly be engaged,
by address, secrecy, and stratagem, to surprise the garrison of Niagara
and the shipping on the lakes, and put them into our possession.
This may be demanded as a condition of our friendship, and would
be a most important point gained. If they can render a service of
this kind, you may stipulate to assist them in their distress with sup-
plies of provision, and other articles of which they will stand in need,
having regard, in the expectations you give them, to our real abilities
to perform.

I have no power at present to authorize you to conclude any

treaty of peace with them ; but you may agree upon the terms of

106 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

one, letting them know that it must be finally ratified by Congress,
and giving every assurance that it will. [I shall write to Congress on
the subject, and endeavor to obtain more ample and definite authority.
But you will not by any means listen to overtures of peace before the
total destruction of their settlements is effected. It is likely enough
that fear, if they are unable to oppose us, will compel them to make
offers of peace ; or policy may lead them to endeavor to amuse us in
this way, to gain time and succor for more effectual opposition. Our
future security will be in their inability to injure, in the distance to
which they are driven, and in the terror with which the severity of
the chastisement they will receive will impress them. Peace without
this would be fallacious and temporary. New presents, and an addition
of force from the enemy, would engage them to break on the first
fair opportunity, and all the expense of our extensive preparations
would be lost.] When we have effectually chastised them, we may
then listen to peace, and endeavor to draw further advantages from
their fear. But, even in that case, great caution will be necessary
to guard against the snares which their treachery will hold out.
They must be explicit iu their promises, give substantial pledges for
their performance, and execute their engagements with decision and
despatch. Hostages are the only kind of security to be depended on.

[Should Niagara fall into your hands in the way I have mentioned,
you will do every thing in your power towards preserving and main-
taining it, by establishing a chain of posts in such manner as shall
appear to you most safe and effectual, and tending as little to reduce
our general force as possible. This, however, we shall be better able
to decide as the future events of the campaign unfold themselves. I
shall be more explicit on the subject hereafter.] When you have com-
pleted the objects of your expedition, unless otherwise directed in the
mean time, you will return to form a junction with the main army,
by the most convenient, expeditious, and secure route, according to
circumstances. The Mohawk River, if it can be done without too great
risk, will perhaps be most eligible on several accounts. Much should
depend on the relative position of the main army at the time, [and it is
impossible to foresee what may be the exigencies of the service in that
quarter. This, united with other important reasons, makes it essential
that your operations should be as rapid, and that the expedition should
be performed in as little time, as will be consistent with its success
and efficacy.

And here I cannot forbear repeating to you my former caution,

MAJOROENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 107

that your troops should move as light and ^ as little encumhered as
possible, even from their first outset. The state of our magazines
demands it, as well as other considerations. If much time should be
lost in transporting the troops and stores up the river, the provisions
for the expedition will be consumed, and the general scarceness of
our supplies will not permit their being replaced ; consequently, the
whole enterprise may be defeated. I would recommend it to you for
the purpose, that the general officers should make an actual inspection
of the baggage of their several brigades ; and absolutely reject, to be
lefl behind at proper places, every article that can be dispensed with
on the expedition. This is an extraordinary case, and requires ex-
traordinary attention.] Relying perfectly upon your judgment, pru-
dence, and activity, I have the highest expectation of success equal
to our wishes ; and I beg leave to assure you, that I anticipate with
great pleasure the honor which will redound to yourself, and the
advantage to the common cause, from a happy termination of this
important enterprise.

Despatch and secrecy would have been desirable, if prac-
ticable. But time was requisite to collect the army, provide
food and transportation, and nothing could be done that was
not known to the enemy. Zealous to carry out his orders,
and imprudently indifferent to the ill-will he might provoke,
by his earnest appeals to the departments for what was indis-
pensable to prevent the expedition becoming a failure, Sulli-
van displeased Colonel Pickering and his associates, who were
probably straining every effort to meet their official obliga-
tions. June, and part of July, passed away before the army
was in condition to move. Finding his supplies altogether
inadequate for the forces collected, Sullivan requested General
Clinton to bring with him, from Schenectady, — where they
could be had in abundance, — provisions for his own brigade
for three months. Washington, fearing these impediments
might endanger the march of Clinton through a hostile coun-
try, commented in his letter of the first of July, from New
Windsor, — where he had recently removed his headquarters
from the Clove, — with some dissatisfaction on this order.

108 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

But on the fifth, after maturer consideration, — restating his
reasons for Clinton proceeding light and unencumbered to
eflfect his junction, — he leaves the matter to Sullivan to de-
termine, not undertaking to interfere with his arrangements.
In this letter, the force of Sullivan is estimated at two thou-
sand five hundred; that of Clinton, at one thousand, — to-
gether, three thousand five hundred. It communicates in-
telligence, that seven hundred men ha^ been sent from Can-
ada to reinforce the savages. The event proved, that, but
for the supplies brought by Clinton, and which were no im-
pediment to his progress, the expedition must have been
abandoned without eflFecting its object.

If backwardness in forwarding supplies arose mainly from
the exhausted condition of the country, other influences may
have been also at work, not then politic to discuss. A power-
ful squadron was sailing from Prance with re-enforcements.
Washington had written, in May, to propose co-operation
against New York, or other point to be determined, — prom-
ising the concentration of his whole force for the purpose.
D'Estaing did not actually leave the West Indies until later ;
when, proceeding north, he arrived at Savannah early in Oc-
tober. Meanwhile, in alarm for the safety of their West-
India possessions, the British embarked troops at New York
for their protection. Two thousand men were sent to Halifax
and Quebec, as a precaution, — an expedition having been
fitted out at Boston, which laid unsuccessful siege to Castine.

How far these movements, anticipated or in progress, in-
duced procrastination, can only be conjectured. The delay
could not have been wholly occasioned by actual inability to
obtain supplies, since Washington mentions, in his corre-
spondence, that considerable stores, enough for several thou-
sand men, had been privately accumulated near Albany, against
the contingency of the British army evacuating New York for
the South, and thus opening the door into Canada. The
possibility, if not strong probability, of such a step occupied

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 109

the attention of Washington throughout the summer. And
Sir Henry Ch'nton is known to have had in contemplation a
considerable reduction of the garrison, to strengthen other
points that were menaced. The result was a vacillating policy,

— troops being sent away, to be again recalled ; and no change
of consequence took place in the disposition of the British
forces before October, when they evacuated Rhode Island.

There was another reason, and all potential, for not being
precipitate. One principal object was effectually to destroy
the crops in the country of the Six Nations, so that they
should be destitute of means the following winter to trouble
the frontier. By dint of continued importunity, Sullivan
succeeded in obtaining what was necessary for the expedi-
tion — though with nothing to spare — in season to move at
the right moment, when the corn could be destroyed as it
ripened, and no more could be planted that year. In the
mean time, he had opportunity, which was diligently improved,
to organize and discipline his troops, — rendering them effi-
cient for service.

As the time drew near, however, beyond which it was not
prudent to defer action, he felt disappointed and perplexed
at the backwardness to meet his requirements. He was,
besides, naturally sensitive under the sting of unfriendly
criticism, which had been, without reason, visited upon him
in his former campaigns, and now, in consequence of these
delays, was again assuming form. On the 2 1st of July, he
wrote as follows to Congress, from Wyoming, to which place

— sixty-five miles from Easton — he had advanced : —

I have hitherto delayed troubling Congress, in the hope that I
should have been able before this to have given them more favor-
able accounts from this quarter. My duty to the public, and regard
to my own reputation, compel me to state the reasons why this
army has been so long delayed here, without advancing into the
enemy's country. In April last, it was agreed that the army should
be put in motion the 15th of May, and rendezvous at Easton on

110 THE MILITARY BERVICEB OF

the 20th, to proceed immediately on the expedition. The neces-
sary preparations were to be made in the quartermaster and com-
missary departments, that no delay might take place ; success in a
great measure depending on secrecy and despatch. I immediately
detached parties to clear a road from Easton to Wyoming, which
was done in season, and might have been done sooner, had not the
backwardness of affairs in other quarters obliged me to hold a great
part of the army at Easton, to prevent the unnecessary consumption
of stores destined for the expedition.

The plan for carrying on the expedition was not agreeable to my
mind ; nor was the number of men destined for it sufficient, in my
opinion, to insure success. This Congress will see by the inclosed
copies of my letters to General Washington, Nos. 1 and 2, which
eventually had no other effect than to alter the route of General Clin-
ton's detachment from the Mohawk to the Susquehannah. I had,
early in April, received, from the heads of the quartermaster and
commissary departments, assurances that every thing should be in a
perfect state of readiness upon my arrival at this post. But, on my
arrival at Easton, I was informed by General Hand, who then com-
manded here, that there was not the least prospect of the boats or
stores being in readiness in season ; upon which I halted the army at
Easton, sending forward only such corps as were necessary to defend
this post and assist in forwarding the stores.

When I felt encouraged by the flattering accounts that were sent me,
I came to this place, and here have remained without its being in my
power to advance toward the enemy. To prove this clearly to Con-
gress, I inclose a return of provisions, made me in April, which were
said to be deposited on the Susquehannah, and would be at Kelso's
Ferry so as to be transported here by the time specified. The notes
at the bottom of the return will show what we now have on hand,
and of what quality. Nearly one-half the flour, and more than two-
thirds of the live stock mentioned, I have caused to be procured from.
Easton, fearing to meet with those disappointments I have too often
experienced. The inspector is now on the ground, by order of the
Board of War, inspecting the provisions ; and his regard to truth
must oblige him, on his return, to report that, of the salted meat
on hand, there is not a single pound fit to be eaten, even at this day,
though every measure has been taken to preserve it that possibly
could be devised. I also inclose a list of articles in the quarter-
master's department which were to have been procured, with notes

MAJ0R-6ENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. Ill

the;*eon of what have been received. Upon examining these returns,
Congress will be at no loss to account for the delay of this army. I
requested Commissary Blaine to forward a thousand head of cattle ;
some few more than two hundred arrived ; and about one hundred
and fifty more sent to Sunbury were left there, being too poor to
walk, and many of them unable to stand. Three hundred of our
horses came in with Colonel Copperthwait on the 20th inst. ; but
there is not a sufficiency of them, and no pack-saddles for one-half
we have.

I inclose a letter from Major Clayburn, of the 19th of May, to show
that the boats were then unbuilt which were to have brought the
provisions to this post by the 20th ; and to show that the first boats,
upon presumption that others would be procured, were ordered not
to return; but the small number procured has occasioned them
to be sent down the river four times since. The other copies of let-
ters, numbered from 5 to 10 inclusively, will show the steps which
have been taken to procure provisions, point out the deficiencies, and
explain the mortifying necessity I have been under of remaining in a
state of inactivity at this post. They will show that we are now
bringing on pack-horses, from Carlisle, flour destined for the use of
this army, which ought to have been here the 20th of May last. I
beg leave to assure Congress that these deficiencies did not arise
from want of proper and repeated application, nor has a single step
been left untried, which was possible for me, or the army under my
command, to take, for procuring and forwarding supplies. Having
been taught by repeated disappointments to be cautious, I early gave
orders to General Clinton to supply his troops with three months'
provisions, and wrote to Governor Clinton for his assistance in April
last. This has been done, and they are supplied. I have procured
provision from Easton and other places, which, with what is now on
its way from Sunbury, to be here on Sunday, will enable us to move
the beginning of next week.

To avoid censure in case of misfortune, I beg Congress to recur to
the reasonings in my letters to General Washington, respecting the
numbers necessary to insure success, and then to examine the in-
closed return *of the forces here. They now stand at two thousand
three hundred and twelve, rank and file. General Washington, in
consequence of my letters, wrote the Executive Council of Pennsyl-
vania for rangers and riflemen. They engaged seven hundred and
twenty, and the President frequently wrote me that they would be

112 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

ready in seasou. Not a man of them has joined us, nor are any
about to do it. The reason assigned by them is, that the quartermas-
ter gave such extravagant prices to boatmen, that they all enlisted
into the boat service ; but this is evidently a mistake, for we have not
a hundred boatmen engaged for the army, and but forty-t\<^o pack-
horsemen, so that I must draft near nine hundred for boatmen and
pack-horsemen. This will reduce my numbers to fourteen hundred
and twelve; tlien I must deduct for drivers of cattle and for the
artillery one hundred and fifty, for the garrison one hundred, which
leaves me eleven hundred and sixty-two ; from these, I deduct the
officers' waiters and managers of battery-horses, two hundred and
twenty-four ; this reduces me to nine hundred and thirty-eight, and
more than a third of them without a shirt to their backs.

This is the force with which I am to advance against an enemy
allowed to be two thousand strong, and who have certainly been lately
reinforced with seven hundred British troops from Canada. I need
not mention, that it is easy for the enemy to act with their whole
force against either part of our army before the junction is formed,
and that common prudence will prompt to this. I have therefore
nothing to rely on, but the ardor and well-known bravery of my
troops, which I trust will surmount all opposition. But should a
defeat take place, and the ruin of the army be the consequence,
whether I do or do not perish in the action, I call upon the members
of Congress to witness to the world, that I early foresaw and fore-
told the danger, and used every means in my power to procure a
force sufficient to insure success, but failed to obtain it.

It was not without reason that he considered his forces in-
suflBcient, either to insure success or prevent disaster. Gen-
eral Schuyler, on the 7th, wrote from Albany, " that an In-
dian, Colonel Louis, had returned from Canada by the way of
Oneida. He left the neighborhood of Caughnawaga in the
beginning of June. As a reward was offered for apprehend-
ing him, he did not dare to venture among the inhabitants.
His Caughnawaga friends assured him, that no troops had
been sent up the River St. Lawrence this spring, and that no
preparations were making for any force to come through
Lake Champlain. Brant had not been able to prevail on any
of the Caugluiawagas to go westward, but a few of the Cono-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 113

desagas would accompany him. A thousand Ottawas and
Chippeways, from Lake Huron, were to join the Senecas, as
Brant gives out, to desolate the frontiers/' As the efficient
force of the Six Nations for service was estimated at two
thousand, and the British auxiliaries at seven hundred, if
these Western tribes should have sent their promised con-
tingent, Sullivan might expect to encounter four thousand
men, with every advantage on their side of superior knowl-
edge of the country and skill in forest warfare. The whole
aggregate which he had to oppose to them would have been
inferior, even in numbers. His army, after Clinton joined him,
has been sometimes stated at five thousand, which, as the cor-
respondence shows, is greatly exaggerated, and at least one-
third more than his actual force, eflfective and non-effective.

That his complaints as to the character and quantities of
provision for the army were well grounded, is abundantly
evident from the disorganized condition of the commissariat
at the time. Large amounts of public property were wasted,
from negligence and incompetency, or misappropriated by the
dishonesty, of inferior officials. In a letter of Colonel Pick-
ering, from the War Office, bearing date the same day as the
foregoing letter of Sullivan to Congress, he frankly admits
there was cause for remonstrance. He says : —

We have received your favor of the 18th instant. We cannot but
regret exceedingly the delay of an expedition whose success greatly
depended upon secrecy and despatch. Your remarks on the Staff
Department have undoubtedly but too much foundation : at the same
time, we must observe, that there are, in many cases, almost insuper-
able difficulties in the way. Among these may be received the want
of men and proper materials. Of the former, the country is much
drained ; and, of the latter, the old stocks are generally worked up or
used, and no provision made for future wants. Hence, in particular,
they have been obliged to use green stuff for casks, which, in sum-
mer, is ruinous to whatever is put in them. To this cause may be
imputed the badness of some of the salted provisions destined for
your army ; for we have, upon inquiry, received satisfactory evidence

114 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

that no care was wanting in the salting and repacking of the far
greater part of them. %

If, in his wish to prevent misconception, alike injurious
to himself and the cause, Sullivan expressed too candidly
to Congress his vexation at the dilatoriness of the depart-
ments, there is hardly a word in his letter that could fairly
be construed into a reflection upon the commander-in-chief.
Washington, to whom it was communicated, equally sensitive
under the unjust and ungenerous spirit of detraction abroad,
that spared neither himself nor his subordinates, felt called
upon to shield from reproach his own reputation, which, for
a moment, he deemed to be implicated. His response restates
the course of events and considerations which had determined
the plan of the campaign as presented in the foregoing corre-
spondence, but neither leaves, nor seems, if closely analyzed,
to have intended to leave, any censure upon Sullivan. He
substantially admits the justice of every one of his complaints,
excepting that, in the article of shirts, the main army was no
better off. His letter is too long for insertion in full ; but the
following extracts indicate some of the embarrassments with
which they had to contend, as well as the inducements, never-
theless, to persevere : —

I
" On that part of General Sullivan's letter which relates to the

quartermaster's and commissary's departments, I shall only observe
that there have, no doubt, been very great delays. Whether these
have proceeded in part from a want of exertion, or wholly from the
unavoidable impediments which the unhappy state of our currency
opposes at every step, I have not sufficient information to determine ;
but from the approved capacity, attention, and assiduity with which
the operations of these departments are conducted, I am inclined to
make every allowance, and to impute our disappointments to the
embarrassments of the times, and not to neglect. General Sullivan's
well-known activity will not permit me to think he has not done every
thing in his power to forward the preparations. But, however the
delays may have happened, I flatter myself no part of the blame can
fall upon roe."

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 115

" General Sullivan says : * Having been taught by repeated disap-
pointments to be cautious, I early gave orders to General Clinton to
supply his troops with three months* provisions, and wrote Governor
Clinton for his assistance in April last. This has been done, and they
are supplied.' The idea here held up is really extraordinary. My
letter to General Schuyler, No. 1, will show, that, so early as the begin-
ning of December, magazines were ordered to be formed in that
quarter for ten thousand men, with a view to an expedition to Niagara.
By the subsequent letters to him, Nos. 2 and 3, these were partly
discontinued, and limited to the plan of an Indian expedition, the
extent of which was to be governed by his judgment of the force
necessary. This being three thousand men, the preparations were,
of course, for that number. Schenectady was afterwards made the
depositary by General Clinton, as appears by his letter, No. 5, in
answer to mine. No. 4."

" General Sullivan states his force at two thousand three hundred
and twelve rank and file, which, by a variety of deductions, he after-
wards reduces to nine hundred and thirty -eight, which he holds up as
his combating force. I should be unwilling to overrate the means of
any officer, or to create a greater responsibility than is just ; but, at
the same time, I think it a duty I owe to the public and myself to
place a matter of this kind in a true point of light. If almost the whole
of the two thousand three hundred men are not effectually serviceable
in action, it must be General Sullivan's own fault. Nearly all the
men he speaks of as pack-horse men, bat-horsemen, &c., may be to
the full as useful as any others. The number he mentions is only
necessary for the sake of despatch on a march ; in time of action, the
horses and cattle may be committed to the care of a very few, and
the rest may be at liberty to act as occasion requires. Should he even
be attacked on a march, those animals may be made a shelter, rather
than an incumbrance. If the operations he is to be concerned in were
the regular ones of the field, his calculation would be better founded ;
but, in the loose, irregular war he is to carry on, it will naturally lead
to error and misconception. General Sullivan makes no account of
his drummers and fifers, and other appendages of an army who do not
compo-^e the fighting part of it. I have too good an opinion of his
judgment, not to believe he would find very useful employment for
them. These, and the few drivers and pa(!k-horsemen whom he ac-
knowledges to have, will be nearly, if not quite, sufficient, with a small
guard, to take care of his horses and cattle in time of action.

116 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

" As before observed, his real force will be less than it ought to be, to
put him out of the reach of contingencies ; but I hope, with prudent
management, it will still suffice. The estimate made by General Schuy-
ler, of the enemy's force, from every subsequent information, was not too
low ; and it is to be hoped the want of provisions will prevent its being
exerted in a vigorous and formidable opposition. My chief solicitude
is for General Clinton ; if he effects the meditated junction, there will,
in my opinion, be nothing to fear afterwards. Notwithstanding what
may be said of the expertness of Indians in the woods, I am strongly
persuaded our troops will always be an overmatch for them, with equal
numbers, except in case of surprise or ambuscade, which it is at our
own option to avoid. I hope the event may answer our wishes ; out,
if not, my anxiety to stand justified in the opinion of Congress haa
induced me to give them the trouble of this lengthy communication."

" I beg leave to conclude with one observation. It may possibly
hereafter be said that the expedition ought not to have been undertaken
unless the means were fully adequate, or that the consequences of a
defeat ought not to have been hazarded when they were found to be
otherwise. The motives to the undertaking, besides the real impor-
tance of rescuing the frontier from the alarms, ravages, and distresses
to which it was exposed, — and which, in all probability, would have
redoubled this year, — were the increasing clamors of the country
and the repeated applications of the States immediately concerned,
supported by frequent references and indications of the pleasure of
Congress. The combined force of these motives appeared to me to
leave no alternative. The means proposed to be employed were fully
sufficient ; the disappointments met with, such as could not have been
foreseen, and we had no right to expect. So far as the business did
not depend on me, I had the strongest assurances from those who
were concerned, and who were to be supposed the proper judges,
that my expectations would be fulfilled.

" After such extensive preparations have been made, so much ex-
pense incurred, the attention and hopes of the public [aroused], the
apprehensions of the enemy excit[ed, their] force augmented, their
resentment inflam[ed], — to recede, and leave the frontier a prey to
their depredations, would be, in every view, impolitic, when there is
still a good prospect of success. To avoid possible misfortunes, we
must, in this ca-^e, submit to many certain evils, — of the most serious
nature, too obvious to require enumeration."

MAJOR-GEKERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 117

The force collected at Wyoming on the 23d of July
consisted of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth New
Jersey ; First, Second, and Third New Hampshire ; the
Eleventh and a German regiment from Pennsylvania ; Shott's
free corps, Spaulding's company, besides Colonel Proctor's
regiment of artillery, with two five and a half inch howitzers,
two six, and four three-pounders. On the following day
arrived one hundred and thirty-four vessels, laden with pro-
visions; and, on the 31st, the army took up its line of march,
encamping the first night at Lackawana. Penetrating a wil-
derness of lakes and mountains, their progress was slow ; but
amidst their toils, some of those who attended the expedition
have recorded their impressions of the grandeur and beauty
of the scenery that surrounded them. On the 5th, they passed
through Tuscarora; on the 11th, reached Tioga; and the
13th, after a long night's march of twelve miles, the town of
Chemung, which they found the enemy had just abandoned
in great confusion, after flinging away their baggage in their
flight. It was a place of about fifty houses, surrounded by
cornfields, which they destroyed. A portion of the army, sent
in pursuit of the enemy, were fired upon by a party in am-
bush, of whom they killed several ; sustaining themselves a
loss of seven killed and nine wounded. The Indians fled
with a yell, and disappeared into retreats wherjs it would
have been useless to follow them.

Sullivan returned to Tioga, to meet General Clinton, who
had been delayed by the rains, which, indeed, greatly im-
peded, throughout the month, the march of the army. From
that place he writes Washington on the 15th of August: —

Dear General, — I have the honor to inform your Excellency
that I arrived at this place with the army on the 11th iust., without
any loss, and without having received the least opposition from the
enemy. All the accounts received from your Excellency, as well as
from every other quarter, seemed to agree that they were collecting
their whole force at Chemung, in order to give us battle. I thought,

118 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

if these accounts were true, it would not be prudent to detach a large
part of my force to meet General Clinton, and expose the residue
to their collective force. I therefore detached Captain Cummins, of
Colonel Shreeve's regiment, with eight active men, to reconnoitre
Chemung. He arrived there on the morning of the 12th, and took
post on a mountain which overlooked the town, where he remained
till twelve o'clock. He returned into camp late in the afternoon of
the same day, and reported that he saw both white people and Indians
busily employed ; but he could not ascertain whether they were pre-
paring for action, or for evacuating the place.

Immediately upon receiving this intelligence, an attack was agreed
on, and the troops moved at nine o'clock the same evening. General
Hand, with the light corps, moved in front to attack on the north of
the town ; General Poor was to attack on the east side. Two regi-
ments were detached across the Cayuga to prevent the enemy escap-
insr across the river. I moved on in the main road towards the lower
end of the town for the purpose of supporting the attacking parties,
and to prevent escape in that quarter, having with me the Jersey
troops, some volunteers, and some of the artillery corps, with a cohorn
carried by hand, a machine invented by Colonel Proctor. The attack
was to begin on all sides at daybreak. Though the morning w^as
exceedingly foggy, our troops all arrived at their respective posts not
long after daybreak, and moved on so as nearly to meet at the same
time in the town ; but we found the town had been evacuated the
evening before. General Hand, with the light troops, moved up on the
east side of the Cayuga branch about a mile beyond the town, where he
found the place of the enemy's encampment the night of the 13th. He
followed th&m up the road about half a mile, when a party of about
thirty rose and fired upon his advanced party ; the General, with his
troops, immediately moved up to charge them, upon which they fled
with precipitation. They were pursued a little further up ; but, there
appearing no prospect of overtaking them, the troops returned, and
destroyed the town, together with all their fields of corn, and what-
ever else was found to destroy. A small party fired upon our
people when destroying their corn, but was soon forced to fly. We
had, in the course of the day, seven men killed and thirteen wounded,
among whom were Captain Carbury and Lieutenant Huston, of Colo-
nel Hubley's regiment. Captain Carbury is dangerously wounded, I
hope not mortally. Mr. Huston's arm was broken by a ball ; all
the others are wounded very slightly, except Mr. Franklin, one of

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 119

our guides, who is badly wounded, though said not to be danger-
ously. Most of the injury was sustained by General Hand's advanced
guard, and from one fire only, as our troops did not give them oppor-
tunity to make a second. One was killed and four wounded of
General Poor's, and two were wounded of the Jersey brigade.

I cannot say what loss the enemy sustained ; but it must have been
inconsiderable, as their flight was too sudden to admit of their re-
ceiving much injury. Some of their hats were found, and one with
a ball through the crown ; but no dead body, which induces me to
believe that none of them were killed outright. I am much surprised
that they did not make a greater opposition in defence of their
town. It was most beautifully situated, contained a chapel, with
between thirty and forty other houses, many of them very large,
and some of them tolerably well finished. There were extensive
fields of corn, with great quantities of potatoes, pumpkins, squashes,
and, in short, most other things which farms produce. The whole
was destroyed.

Our troops having completed the business, returned the same even-
ing to camp ; having performed a march of at least forty miles in
less than twenty-four hours, besides going through the fatigue of
destroying these extensive fields. Their conduct was exceedingly
praiseworthy : if there was any fault, it was their too great eagerness
to rush upon the enemy at first sight. I am happy in assuring your
Excellency, that I am well convinced, no force that this country can
produce, can stand before troops so determined as this army. I for-
got to mention to your Excellency in my last letter, that the enemy
had erected a new town near Scheshequeening, containing twenty-two
houses, which they abandoned on our approach. Colonel Proctor,
who had charge of the fleet, sent on shore and burnt it. I am now
sending off a strong body to meet General Clinton. When he joins,
will proceed, without loss of time, to execute the residue of my
orders.

Clinton, who had opened a road from Canojoharie to Lake
Otsego, a sheet of water of romantic beauty, effected his
junction with Sullivan on the 22d of August. He brought
with him two hundred and twenty-eight batteaux, which he
floated into the Susquehannah by constructing a dam, and
raising the lake several feet above its usual level. The rush

120 THE MILITART BEBVICES OF

of waters, that bore his fleet safely into the river, devastated
Oghwaga and other plantations, to the astonishment and dis-
may of the Indians, unaccustomed to any such flood at that
season.

A few days were allowed for rest, and necessary arrange-
ments for their future movements. The post consisted of
four block-houses, near the forks of the Tioga and Susque-
hannah, called " Fort Sullivan.*' This was to be left in charge
of Colonel Shreeve, with two hundred and fifty men, and two
six-pounders; and with him were left their sick, women,
heavy baggage, and all but what was absolutely indispen-
sable. The united forces broke camp on the 26th, and pro-
ceeded on their way. Part of their supplies were on pack-
horses, part in a fleet of one hundred and fifty vessels, which
accompanied them up the river.

It must be remembered, that, in so wild a country, it was
quite easy for the Indians to avoid them; and, with their
large force, it would have been futile to attempt concealment.
The object was to destroy the villages, to discourage, by show-
ing our power to retaliate, depredations, and to overawe.
Some military critics have censured the morning and evening
guns of the camp ; but the Indians were ever peculiarly sensi-
tive to the sound of heavy artillery, and, as one main object
of the expedition was to intimidate, there was no reason
why this usage of a camp should have been omitted. It
may not be out of place to quote the opinion of a good judge
in military matters, who says, that the instructions given by
General Sullivan to his oflScers, the order of march he pre-
scribed to his troops, and the discipline he had the ability
to maintain, would have done honor to the most experienced
ancient or modern general. ^""X^

Having reason to believe the enemy not far distant^, they
moved with caution. The disposition of the troopai which
had been transmitted was determined by the charactJer of the
country they were traversing, and well adapted, for ^facility of

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 121

formation, to guard against surprise or^resist attack. On the
third day, they fortunately discovered, in good season, that a
large force was before them, prepared to dispute their further
progress ; and they fought the battle of Newtown, the only
engagement of the campaign. Its incidents are described,
v^ith fulness of detail, in Sullivan's official report to Congress,
written the next day from that place ; being substantially a
duplicate of one to Washington.

I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency, that, having formed
the junction with General Clinton without loss, we marched from Tioga
the 26th, in the afternoon. The rains had swelled the Cayuga, so as
to render our march to Chemung very difficult, as we had to ford the
river twice in our route. We arrived there in the evening of the
28th, and marched for the place early in the morning of the 29th.
About eleven o'clock, a messenger from Major Par, who commanded
the rifle corps, the advance of the light troops of the army under Gen-
eral Hand, informed me the enemy had, about a mile in front of the
town, a very extensive breastwork erected on a rising ground which
commanded the road, in which we were to pass with our artillery,
and which would enable them to fire upon our flank and front at the
same time. This breastwork they had endeavored to mask in a very
artful manner, and had concealed themselves behind it in large num-
bers.

I had before been apprised of the enemy's having a very large
encampment at that place. I found that the work was in a bend of
the river, which, by turning northward, formed a semicircle. There
was a deep brook in front of this work, over which the road passed,
and then turned off to the right, parallel to the course of the rising
ground, upon which their works were constructed. This would have
enabled them to flank the line of march of one column of our troops,
had it advanced without discovering the work. They had also posted
on a hill about a hundred and fifty rods in their rear, and considera-
bly on their left, a strong party, in order, as I suppose, to fall on
our right flank when we were engaged with the works in front, and
to cover the retreat of the troops which occupied the works in case
they should be carried, and to take advantage of any disorder which
might appear among our troops in the pursuit. This hill was very ad-
vantageously formed for their purpose, as it terminated in a bold bluff

122 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

about a mile in the rear of their works, and about two hundred yards
from the river ; leaving a hollow way between the hill and the river
of about one hundred and fifty yards, and ending on the north in a
very narrow defile. This hollow way was clear of trees and bushes,
and was occupied by them as a place of encampment for part of
their army.

General Hand formed the light corps of the army in the wood
within four hundred yards of their works. The riflemen in his
front kept skirmishing with the enemy, who frequently sallied out
and suddenly retired, apparently with a view of drawing our mep
into the works, which they supposed had not been discovered. The
growth upon the hill being pine, interspersed with very low shrub
oaks, they had cut off shrubs and stuck them in the ground in front
of their works, and had some reason to suppose that we should
not distinguish them from those growing on the eminence. General
Hand remained at his post until I arrived with the main army.
General Poor's brigade, which formed the right wing of the main
army, deployed in the rear of General Hand's ; General Maxwell's
brigade, which formed the left wing, came abreast with General Poor,
and remained in column ready to act as occasion might require. It
was observed, that there was another chain of hills terminating in a
point rather in rear of our right, and about one mile distant from the
right of our line. It was conjectured, that the enemy had taken post
upon one or both the hills, in order to fall on our right and rear, when
we attempted to attack their works. General Poor was therefore de-
tached to gain the hill first described, and fall into the enemjr's rear.
Small reconnoitring parties were likewise detached to make discov-
eries at the other hill, and to give notice of any appearance of the
enemy there, and still to guard more effectually against any attempt
from that quarter. General Clinton's brigade, which forms the
second line of the army, was ordered to turn off, and follow in the
rear of General Poor, to sustain him in case of necessity, or to form
a line to oppose any force which might fall in his rear,' or attempt to
gain the flank or rear of the army. When sufficient space of time had
been given to General Poor to gain the hill in their rear, our artillery
was to announce our attack in front, which was to be made by Gen-
eral Hand's corps, supported by General Maxwell's brigade if neces-
sary. Maxwell's brigade was therefore held in a closed column in
order to give the necessary support to the attacking party, or to form
a line to oppose any force which might attempt to attack us either
in our front or rear.

^\j

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 123

Colonel Dubois, with the right flanking division of the array, con-
sisting of two hundred and fifty men, was advanced on the right of
General Poor ; and Colonel Ogden, with the left flanking division, of
two hundred and fifty more, was posted near the river, with direc-
tions, as soon as the attack began, to advance along its bank, and
gain the enemy's right, to prevent any escape across. General Poor
moved on to gain the hill, and General Clinton followed as directed,
but both of them were for some time delayed by a morass. General
Poor had already arrived near the foot of the hill when the cannon-
ading began in front of their works, but, upon attempting to ascend
it, he found a large body of the enemy posted there, who began to fire
upon him. His troops charged with bayonets, and sometimes fired
as they advanced. The enemy retreated from tree to tree, keeping
up an incessant fire, until his troops had gained the summit of the
bill. General Clinton detached two regiments to re-inforce General
Poor, and then followed himself with the residue of his brigade, as
directed. The two regiments arrived just before the summit of the
hill was gained, and prevented the enemy from turning his right,
which they were then attempting. Our cannonade in front, and, I
doubt not, the unexpected fire from General Poor on the enemy's left,
occasioned them instantly to abandon their works in the utmost con-
fusion. They fled in the greatest disorder, leaving eleven of their
Indian warriors and one female dead on the ground, with a great
number of packs, blankets, arms, camp equipage, and a variety of
their jewels, some of which are of considerable value.

We took two prisoners, — one a Tory, the other an enlisted negro in
one of the Tory companies. They both agree that there were five
companies of whites, and their main strength consisting of the Indian
warriors of seven nations, and that this was the place where they
meant to make their principal opposition, and that they had been
waiting here eight days. Both the Butlers, Brant, and Captain
McDonald were here, each having a separate command. Brant
had some time since [been] slightly wounded in the foot, but had recov-
ered. They further say they sent off their wounded on horseback.
Some of them no doubt were carried off in canoes. Many of their
dead must have been carried off or concealed, as we found many
bloody packs, coats, shirts, and blankets, and, in short, every appear-
ance, not only of havoc, but of fright and confusion, was left behind
them. The main army pursued them about a mile, and the light
corps about three ; but fear had given them too great speed to be
overtaken.

124 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

Our loss was three killed and thirty-nine wounded, principally of
General Poor's brigade. Among the latter were Major Titcomb,
Captain Cloyse, and Lieutenant McAuley, all badly ; the latter
is. since dead ; the other two, it is hoped, will survive : the residue
are principally slightly wounded. General Poor, his officers and
men, deserve the highest praise for their intrepidity and soldierly con-
duct, as do Colonel Proctor and the whole artillery corps. Major
Par and the rifle corps also distinguished themselves by their great
vigilance and spirited conduct. In short, every officer and soldier
conducted in a most soldierly manner, and those who were not imme-
diately in the engagement, manifested their eagerness for the combat
in every action. Indeed, the conduct of the whole army was truly
pleasing, and gave the most striking evidence that no equal number
of troops can oppose their progress. I cannot help saying, that the
disposition of the enemjr's troops, and the construction of their works,
would have done honor to much greater officers than the unprincipled
wretches who commanded them. The numbers of the enemy can-
not be ascertained ; but from the extent of their works, and the posts
they occupied, they must have been numerous.

This place, in English called Newtown, was a large, scattered settle-
ment, abounding with extensive fields of the best corn and beans ; so
extensive and numerous as to keep the whole army this day industri-
ously employed in destroying, and the business yet unfinished. From
the vast quantity of corn planted at this place and its vicinities, I con-
clude it to have been designed as their principal magazine. The
town, which contained about twenty houses, was burnt ; and Generals
Clinton and Poor, on their yesterday's route, fell in with another of
thirty buildings, about two miles to the east of this, which is also
destroyed. The number of Indian towns destroyed since the com-
mencement of the expedition, including those burnt by General Clin-
ton previous to the junction, is, I think, fourteen ; some of them
considerable, others inconsiderable.

The journals of the expedition that have been preserved
abound in interesting incident, and fully confirm the record
presented by himself as to the towns and dwellings of the
Indians. It had been urged, that he described them as more
substantial and well-built than they actually were. They
were destroyed, and with them all proof that he added any

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 125

colors of his own ; but the diary of an officer in the expe-
dition fully confirms his relation. If charged that he de-
manded more supplies than were needed, already a scarcity
began' to be felt. His request to his army, on the 30th of
August, the day following the battle of Newtown, to be con-
tented with half-rations, to which they cheerfully submitted
for many weeks, proved their insufficiency. If circumstan*
ces had warranted an attack on Niagara, it would, on this
account, have been quite impracticable. Fault was also
found, at the War Office, with an unguarded expression in
the orders, reflecting on the commissary department ; but it
is doubtful if the army, as human nature is constituted, would
have acquiesced as readily in the sacrifices proposed, had
not some reasonable cause been assigned for the deficiency.
The request he made to them reads as follows : —

The commaDder-in-chief informs the troops that he used every
effort to procure proper supplies for the army, and to obtain a sufficient
number of horses to transport them ; but, owing to the inattention of
those whose business it was to make the necessary provision, he
failed of obtaining such an ample supply as he wished, and greatly
fears the supplies on hand will not, without the greatest prudence, en-
able him to complete the business of the expedition. He therefore
requests the several brigadiers and officers commanding corps, to take
the minds of the troops under their respective commands, whether,
while in this country, which abounds in corn and every kind of vege-
table, they will be content to draw half a pound of flour, and half a
pound of meat, and half allowance of salt per day ; and he desires
the troops to give their opinion upon the proposal with freedom, and
as soon as possible. Should they generally fall in with the proposal,
he promises tkat they shall be paid for that part of the rations which
is held back, at the full value in money. He flatters himself that
troops who have discovered so much bravery and firmness will freely
consent to a measure so essentially necessary to accomplish the im-
portant purposes of this expedition, and to enable them to add to
those laurels they have already gained. The enemy have subsisted a
number of days on corn, without either salt, bread, meat, or flour ; and
the General cannot persuade himself, that troops who so far surpass

126 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

them in valor and true bravery will suffer themselves to be outdone
in that fortitude and perseverance which not only distinguishes, but
dignifies, the soldier. He does not mean to continue this through the
campaign, but only wishes it to be adopted in those places where vege-
tables may supply the place of part of the common rations of meat
and flour ; and he thinks, with a plenty of vegetables, half a common
ration of meat and flour will be much better than the whole without
any.

The troops will please to consider the matter, and give their opinion
as soon as possible.

These orders offended the Board of War, of which Timothy
Pickering was an influential member ; and, on the first of Sep-
tember, they brought them to the notice of Congress, com-
plaining " that their characters had been made very free with
in the army, who, being under a deception, censured them
with great bitterness." They prayed investigation ; but the
committee, of which Mr. Matthew, of South Carolina, was
chairman, never reported. That dissatisfaction with the
Board extensively prevailed, in some measure occasioned by
causes not within their control, cannot be disputed. William
Barber, on the thirtieth of July, writes from Wyoming,
that the delay from insuflScient supplies was a mortification
to every officer on the ground. Intelligence was, at that
time, constantly arriving of massacres and depredations, of
the affair at Minnisinks, and the capture of Port Freeland,. by
a party said to be under Butler, — movements and operations
unaccountable, unless designed to divide our force by alarm-
ing the different frontiej-s. If fretted then, there was the
more reason now that they were entering upon a long, and
probably perilous, incursion into the wilderness, with insuffi-
cient supplies. In the temper that prevailed, to have sub-
jected the army to short rations, without reference to what
occasioned its necessity, would have prejudiced the cause.
It would have been to exhibit a culpable indifference to the
just claims of soldiers, who were already patiently enduring

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 127

many privations, and as much entitled to be considered and
protected as the Board.

Sending back, on the night of the 30th, all his heavy artil-
lery, and retaining only four brass three-pounders and a small
howitzer, and loading their necessary ammunition on pack-
horses, they proceeded, on the 31st, for Catherine's-town,
near the southern extremity of Lake Seneca ; destroying, on
their way, Konowahola, a town of twenty houses, at the con-
fluence of the Cayuga and Tioga branches. From some unex-
pected detention, the rear guard, under Clinton, were forced
to pass the night of the Ist of September in a swamp.
While at Catherine's-town, Sullivan sent a friendly Indian
with the following address to the Oneidas: —

To THE Warriors op the Oneida Nation: Brothers, — The
enemies of the United States, and of your nation, have often threat-
ened to destroy you, and you have called upon us for assistance. You
have said that our arm was long and strong, and therefore called
upon us for that protection which we ever wish to afford to our breth-
ren, friends, and allies ; and you have promised to join us in our opera-
tions. The grand American Congress have thought proper to send a
powerful army into this country, for the purpose of totally destroying
the enemies to your peace, and have thought proper to intrust me
with the command of the army, and the execution of their orders. It
is with no small degree of surprise that I find, though I have far
advanced into the enemy's country, that only four of your warriors
have joined me, and they totally unacquainted with every part of the
country through which I have yet passed. I would not wish to sus-
pect your declarations of friendship to the American States, nor am I
under the least necessity to ask your aid as warriors ; but, as your
immediately joining my force is the best evidence you can give of the
sincerity of your professions, I shall expect shortly to be joined by
those of your people who are friendly to the American cause, and
particularly by such as have a perfect knowledge of the country
through which I am to pass. Unless this is complied with, I shall
be compelled to think that the chiefs of your warriors, if not really
unfriendly to us, are very inattentive to their own interest and safety,
as well as indifferent with respect to the interest of the United States.

128 THE MILITARY 8ERYICES OP

Should you, by joining with me, furnishing me the necessary infor-
mation, and affording me every assistance in your power, give evi-
dence of that attachment to the American cause, which I ever have
and now do believe you to possess, the army which I have the honor
to command will be able totally to extirpate our common enemy, and
leave you in a perfect state of tranquillity, enable you to enjoy your
possessions, and carry on with the Americans a commerce which will
tend to the mutual advantage of both. The bearer of this letter,
Oneiga, will inform you particularly of my progress thus far.

It was some time afterwards — indeed, on his return march
— that the response of the Oneidas reached him, with the
report of his messenger. They will be more intelligible if
presented in connection with the address. Their purport, as
interpreted, was as follows : —

Brother Chief Warrior op the Western Army, — Some time
ago, you sent me to Oneida with a message to the warriors of that
tribe, and directed me to give them an account of the battle you
had with Butler's party, near Newtown. Brother, I have faithfully
executed your orders, as will appear from what took place on my
arrival at Oneida. A council was immediately called, and your
written speech publicly delivered ; the warriors expressed great joy,
both on account of your success and the opportunity now given them
to testify their friendship to the American cause. Seventy of the
Oneida warriors set out with me to join your army, agreeable to your
desire ; thirty more were to have followed the next day ; near Onon-
daga we met our brother Conowago, on his return from your army,
which he said he left at Kanasadagia. This brother informed us that
you said they were too late ; they should have met you at Kanada-
sega ; that you had men enough, and did not want them, unless some
good guides ; the party then returned, though with reluctance. Our
chief warriors then delivered the following speech, to which I beg
your attention : —

Brother, — We have been informed by our brother, of Conowaga, that you
were disposed to show clemency to the Cayugas, and had desired him to direct
them to repair to Oneida, should he meet with any of that tribe on his way from
your army. We are glad you manifest such a disposition, and are willing to
make peace with them. We will assist you, and the rather that we know there
is a party, of the Cayuga tribe, who have ever wished to be at peace with their

MAJORS BNEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 129

American brethren. We will endeavor to find them, as we are confident they
are not fled to the enemy, but suppose them to be somewhere concealed in the
country. We therefore request that you would not for the present destroy
their cornfields, as we cannot furnish them with provisions, should we be able to
find them, and bring them to our town, — having, already, so many of the Onon-
dagas to support. Tegatteronwane, who is at the head of the party, is disposed
for peace, and has delivered up four prisoners, on General Schuyler's proposal of
exchange ; three more, who are sick, he will give up as soon as they recover
their health. He has declared that he never would set his face towards Niagara,
but, on the approach of the American army, would take himself to the woods,
where they might find him if he did not make his way down to the Oneidas.
Brother, this is all we have to say.

Catherine's-town being destroyed on the 3d of September,
the march was continued up the east side of Seneca Lake ;
burning, as they went, the town of Kendaia. The 6th, they
crossed the outlet of Seneca, and, moving in three divisions,
reached Kanadasega, the capital of the Seneca tribe, which
they found deserted. Two days later, they arrived at Canan-
daigua; which, with Honayaga, a village near by, they de-
stroyed. Here Boyd started to make a reconnoissance, with
twenty-six men, — a larger force than was intended. Their
numbers exposed them to observation ; they were not suffi-
ciently prudent, were surrounded, and destroyed. On the
16th, the army reached the beautiful valley of the Genesee,
spreading for many miles with ripening harvests ; all of which,
with the town of one hundred and twenty-eight dwellings,
unusually large and commodious, they gave to the flames.
The grain was gathered and burnt in the houses, or in kilns
constructed for the purpose.

Finding his supplies would not admit of farther progress,
and having utterly laid waste the country, Sullivan com-
menced his homeward march. On the 20th, he recrossed the
outlet of Lake Seneca. The army reached Chemung on the
28th. From that place Sullivan wrote Washington ; and at
Tioga, on the 30th, addressed Congress the continuation of
his narrative of the expedition. These letters embrace, sub-
stantially, the same incidents, with slight variations in the

130 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

description. The last and more brief we select, which is as
follows : —

Sir, — In mine of the 30th ult. to His Excellency General Wash-
ington, and by him transmitted to Congress, I gave an account of the
victory obtained by this army over the enemy at Newtown, on the
29th August. I now do myself the honor to inform Congress of
the progress of this army, and the most material occurrences which
have since taken place.

The time taken up in destroying the corn in the neighborhood of
Newtown, employing the army near two days, and there appearing
a probabih'ty that the destruction of all the crops might take a much
greater length of time than was first apprehended, and being likewise
convinced, by an accurate calculation, that it would not be possible to
effect the destruction of the Indian country with the provision on
hand, which was all I had in store, and, indeed, all I had pack-horses
to transport from Tioga, — in this situation, I could think of but one
expedient to answer the purpose of the expedition, which was to pre-
vail, if possible, on the soldiers to content themselves with half a
pound of flour and the same quantity of fresh beef per day, rather
than leave the important business unfinished. I therefore drew up an
address to them, — a copy of which I have the honor to inclose you,
— which, being read, was answered by three cheers from the whole
army. Not one dissenting voice was heard, from either officer or
soldier.

I had then on hand, from the best calculation I could make,
twenty-two pounds of flour and sixteen pounds of beef per man, — the
former liable to many deductions by rains, crossing rivers, and de-
files ; the latter much more so, from the almost unavoidable loss of
cattle, when suffered to range the woods at night for their support. I
was, however, encouraged in the belief that I should be enabled to
effect the destruction and total ruin of the Indian territories by this
truly noble resolution of the army, for which I know not whether
the public stand more indebted to the persuasive arguments which
the officers began to use, or to the virtuous disposition of the sol-
diers, whose prudent and cheerful compliance with the requisition
anticipated all their wishes, and rendered persuasion unnecessary.

I sent back all my heavy artillery on the night of the 30th, retain-
ing only four brass three-pounders and a small howitzer ; loaded the
necessary ammunition on horseback, and marched early on the 31st for

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 131

Catherine's-town. On our way, we destroyed a small settlement of
eight houses, and town, called Konowahola, of about twenty houses,
situated on a peninsula at the conflux of the Tioga and Cayuga
branches. We also destroyed several fields of corn. From this point
Colonel Dayton was detached with his regiment and the rifle corps
up the Tioga about six miles, who destroyed several large fields of
corn. The army resumed their march, and encamped within thirteen
miles and a half of Catherine's-town, where we arrived the next day,
although we had a road to open for the artillery through a swamp
nine miles in extent, and almost impervious. We arrived near
Catherine*s-town in the night, and moved on in hopes to surprise it,
but found it forsaken.

On the next morning, an old woman belonging to the Cayuga
nation was found in the woods. She informed me, that, on the
night after the battle of Newtown, the enemy, having fled the whole
night, arrived there in great confusion early the next day ; that she
heard the warriors tell their women they were conquered, and must
fly ; that they had a great many killed and vast numbers wounded.
She, likewise, heard the lamentations of many at the loss of their
connections. In addition to this, she assured us that some other war-
riors had met Butler at this place, and desired him to return and fight
again. But to this request they could obtain no satisfactory answer,
for, as they observed, " Butler's mouth was closed." The warriors
who had been in the action were equally averse to the proposal, and
would think of nothing but flight and removal of their families ; that
they kept runners on every mountain to observe the movements of
our army, who reported, early in the day on which we arrived, that our
advance was very rapid, upon which all those that had been before
sent off fled with precipitation, leaving her without any possible
means of escape. She said that Brant had taken most of the wounded
up the Tioga in canoes. I was, from many circumstances, fully con-
vinced of the. truth and sincerity of her declaration, and the more so,
as we had, the day we left Newtown, discovered a great number of
bloody packs, arms, and accoutrements thrown away in the road, and
in the woods each side of it. Besides which we discovered a number
of recent graves, — one of which has been since opened, containing
the bodies of two persons who had died by wounds.

These circumstances, when added to that of so many warriors
beiug left dead on the field, a circumstance not common with Indians,
were sufficient to corroborate the woman's declaration, and to prove.

132 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

what I before conjectured, that the loss of the enemy was much greater
than was at first apprehended. I have never been able to ascertaiD ,
with any degree of certainty, what force the enemy opposed to us at
Newtown, but from the best accounts I have been able to collect, and
from the opinion of General Poor and others, who had the best oppor-
tunity of viewing their numbers, as well from the extent- of their
lines, I suppose them to have been fifteen hundred ; though the two
prisoners, whom I believe totally ignorant of the number at any post
but their own, as well of the enemy's disposition, estimates them only
at eight hundred, while they allow that five companies of rangers —
all the warriors of Seneca and six other nations — were collected at
this place. In order to determine their force with as much accuracy
as in my power, I examined their breastworks, and found its extent
more than half a mile. Several bastions ran out in its front to flank
the lines in every part. A small block-house, formerly a dwelling,
was also manned in the front. The breastwork appeared to have
been fully manned, though I suppose with only one rank. Some part
of their works being low, they were obliged to 'dig holes in the ground
to cover themselves in part. This circumstance enabled me to judge
the distance between their men in the works. A very thin, scattering
line — designed, as I suppose, for communicating signals — was con-
tinued from those works to that part of the mountain which General
Poor ascended, where they had a very large body, which was de-
signed, I imagine, to fall on our flank. The distance from the breast-
work to this was at least one mile and a half. From thence to the
hill, in the rear of our right, was another scattering line of about one
mile, and on the hill a breastwork with a strong party destined, as it
is supposed, to fall on our rear. But General Clinton being ordered
so far to the right occasioned his flank to pass the mountain, which
obliged them to abandon their post. From these circumstances,
as well as from the opinion of others, I cannot conceive their number
to be lefllfs than what I have before mentioned.

The army spent a day at Catherine's, destroying corn and fruit-
trees. We burnt the town, consisting of thirty houses. The next
day we encamped near a small scattering settlement of about eight
houses, and two days after reached Kendaia, which we also found
deserted. Here one of the inhabitants of Wyoming, who had been
last year captured by the enemy, escaped from them, and joined us.
He informed us that the enemy had left the town, in the greatest
confusion, three days before our arrival. He said he had conversed

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLITAN. 133

with some of the Tories on their return from the action of Newtown,
who assured him they had great numhers killed and wounded, and
there was no safety hut in flight. He heard Butler tell them he must
try to make a stand at Kanadasega ; hut they declared they would
not throw away their lives in vain attempt to oppose such an army.
He also heard many of the Indian women lamenting the loss of
their connections ; and added, that Brant had taken most of the
wounded up the Tioga in water-craft, which had been provided for
that purpose in case of necessity. It was his opinion the King of
Kanadasega was killed, as he saw him go down, but not return, and
gave a description of his person and dress, corresponding with those
of one found on the field of action. Kendaia consisted of about
twenty houses, which were reduced to ashes ; the houses were
neatly built and finished.

The army spent a day at this place, in destroying corn and fruit-
trees, of which there was great abundance. Many of the trees ap-
peared to be of great age. On the next day, we crossed the outlet
of the Seneca Lake, and moved in three divisions through the woods,
to encircle Kanadasega, but found it, likewise, abandoned. A white
child, of about three years old, — doubtless the offspring of some
unhappy captive, — was found here, and carried with the army. A
detachment of four hundred men was sent down on the west side of the
lake to destroy Gothseunga, and the plantations in that quarter ; at
the same time a number of volunteers, under Colonel Harper, made
a forced march towards Cayuga Lake, and destroyed Schuyero, while
the residue of the army were employed in destroying the corn at
Kanadasega, of which there was a large quantity. This town con-
sisted of fifty houses, and was pleasantly situated. In it we found a
great number of fruit-trees, which were destroyed with the town.

The army then moved on, and in two days arrived at Canandaigna,
having been joined on the march by the detachment sent along the
Seneca Lake, which had been almost two days employed in destroying
the crops and settlement in that quarter. At Canandaigua we found
twenty-three very elegant houses mostly finished, and, in general,
large. Here we also destroyed very extensive fields of corn, which
having been destroyed, we marched for Honayaga, a small town of
ten houses, which we also destroyed. At this place we established a
post, leaving a strong garrison, our heavy stores, and one field-piece,
and proceeded to Geneseo, which the prisoners informed us was the
grand capital of the Indian country ; that Indians of all nations had

134 THE MILITABY SERVICES OF

been planting there this spring ; that all the rangers and some British
had been employed in assisting them, in order to raise sufficient sup-
plies to support them while destroying our frontiers ; and that they
themselves had worked three weeks for the Indians when planting.

This information determined me, at all events, to reach that settle-
ment, though the state of my provisions, much reduced by unavoidable
accidents, almost forbade the attempt. My flour had been much re-
duced by the failure of pack-horses and in the passage of creeks and
defiles, and twenty-seven of the cattle had been unavoidably lost. We,
however, marched on for the Genesee town, and on the second day
reached a town of twenty-five houses, called Kauoghsauga. Here we
found some large cornfields, which part of the army destroyed, while
the other part were employed in building a bridge over an unfordable
creek between this and Geneseo. I had, the preceding evening,
ordered out an officer, with three or four riflemen, one of our guides,
and an Oneida chief, to reconnoitre the Genesee town, that we might,
if possible, surprise it.

Lieutenant Boyd was the officer intrusted with this service, who
took with him twenty-three men, volunteers from the same corps,
and a few from Colonel Butler's regiment, making in all twenty-six ;
a much larger number than I had thought of sending, and by no
means so likely to answer the purpose as that which had been di-
rected. The guides were by no means acquainted with the country,
mistook the road in the night,, and, at daybreak, fell in with a castle
six miles higher up than Geneseo, inhabited by a tribe called Squat-
chegas. tiere they saw a few Indians, — killed and scalped two :
the rest fled. Two runners were immediately despatched to me with
the account, and informed me that the party were on their return.
When the bridge was almost completed, some of them came in and
told us that Lieutenant Boyd and men of his party were almost sur-
rounded by the enemy ; that the enemy had been discovering them-
selves before him for some miles ; that his men had killed two, and
were eagerly pursuing the rest, but soon found themselves almost sur-
rounded by three or four hundred Indians and rangers. Those of
Mr. Boyd's men who were sent to secure his flanks, fortunately made
their escape ; but he, with fourteen of his party and the Oneida chief,
being in the centre, were completely encircled. The light troops of
the army, and the flanking division, were immediately detached to
their relief, but arrived too late ; the enemy having destroyed the
party, and escaped.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 135

It appears that onr men had taken to a small grove, the ground
around it being clear on every side for several rods, and there fought
till Mr. Boyd was shot through the body, and his men all killed except
one, who, with his wounded commander, was made prisoner. The firing
was so close before this brave party was destroyed, that the powder
of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. In this conflict,
the enemy must have suffered greatly, as they had no cover, and our
men were possessed of a very advantageous one. This advantage of
ground, the obstinate bravery of the party, with some other circum-
stances, induced me to believe their loss must have been very consid-
erable. They were so long employed in removing and secreting their
dead, that the advance of General Hand's party obliged them to leave
one alongside the riflemen, and at least a wagon-load of packs, blan-
kets, boots, and provision, which they had thrown oflT to enable them
to act with more agility in the field. Most of these appeared to have
appertained to the rangers. Another reason which induces me to
suppose they suflTered much, was the unparalleled tortures they in-
flicted upon the brave and unfortunate Boyd, whose body, with that
of the equally unfortunate companion, we found at Geneseo. It
appeared they had whipped them in the most cruel manner, pulled
out Mr. Boyd's nails, cut off* his nose, plucked out one of his eyes, cut
out his tongue, stabbed him with spears in sundry places, and inflicted
other tortures which decency will not permit me to mention ; lastly,
cut off his head, and left his body on the ground, with that of his
unfortunate companion, who appeared to have experienced nearly the
same savage barbarity. The party Mr. Boyd fell in with was com-
manded by Butler, posted on an advantageous piece of ground, in
order to fire upon our army when advancing ; but they found their
design frustrated by the appearance of this party in their rear.

The army moved on that day to the castle last mentioned, which
consisted of twenty-five houses, surrounded by very extensive fields of
corn, which being destroyed, we moved on the next day to Geneseo,
crossing, in our route, a deep creek, and the Little Genesee River ;
and, after marching six miles, we reached the castle, which consisted
of one hundred and twenty-eight houses, mostly large and elegant.
The town was beautifully situated, almost encircled with a clear flat
for a number of miles, covered by the most extensive fields of corn,
and every kind of vegetable that can be conceived. The whole army
was immediately engaged in destroying the crops. The corn was
collected, and burnt in houses and kilns, so the enemy might not

136 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

reap the least advantage from it, which method we have pursued h k
every other place. >•

Here a woman came to us, who had heen captured at Wyoming H^
She told us the enemy evacuated the town two days before ; th&t J
Butler at the same time went off with three or four hundred Indians f
and rangers, as he said, to get a shot at our army. This was, un- I
doubtedly, the party which cut off Lieutenant Boyd. She mentioned
they kept runners constantly out, and that, when our army was in mo*
tion, the intelligence was communicated by a yell, immediately on
which the greatest terror and confusion apparently took place among
them. The women were constantly begging the warriors to sue for
peace, and that one of the Indians had attempted to shoot Colonel
Johnson, for the falsehood by which he had deceived and ruined
them ; that she overheard Butler telling Johnson it was impossible to
keep the Indians together after the battle of Newtown ; that he thought
they must soon be in a miserable situation, as all their crops would
be destroyed, and that Canada could not supply them with provisions
at Niagara ; that he would endeavor to collect the warriors to assist
in the defence of that fort, — which he was of an opinion this army
would lay siege to, — and the women and children he would send into
Canada.

After having destroyed this town,— beyond which, I was informed,
there was no settlement, — and destroyed all their houses and crops
in that quarter, the army having been advancing seventeen days,
with the supply of provisions before mentioned, and that much
reduced on the march by accidents, and the Cayuga country being as
yet unpenetrated, I thought it necessary to return as soon as possible,
in order to effect the destruction of the settlements in that quarter.
The army, therefore, began its march to Kanadasega. I was met on
the way by a sachem from Oneida, and three warriors, one of whom I
had sent from Catherine's with a letter, a copy of which I have the
honor to inclose Congress. They delivered me a message from
the warriors of that nation respecting the Cayugas : copies of that
and my answer I also inclose from this place. I detached Colonel
Smith with a party down the west side of the lake; to destroy the
corn which had been cut down, and to destroy any thing further which
might be discovered there. I then detached Colonel Gransvoort, with
one hundred and five men, to Albany, to forward the baggage of the
York regiments to the main army, and to take with him such soldiers
as were at that place. I directed him to destroy the lower Mohawk

MAJOB-GBNEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 137

castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, — consisting only of
six or seven families, — who are constantly employed in giving intel-
ligence to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when
making incursions on our frontier. When the Mohawks joined the
enemy, these few families were, undoubtedly, left to answer such a
purpose, and to keep possession of their lands. The upper castle,
now inhabited by Orkeskes, our friends, he was directed not to dis-
turb. With him I sent Mr. Deane, who bore my answer to the
Oneidas.

I then detached Colonel Butler, with six hundred men, to destroy
the Cayuga country, and with him sent all the Indian warriors, who
said, if they could find the Cayugas, they would endeavor to per-
suade them to deliver themselves up as prisoners, — the chief of
them, called Teguttelawana, being a near relation of the sachem.
I then crossed the Seneca River, and detached Colonel Dearborn to
the west side of the Cayuga Lake, to destroy all the settlements which
might be found there, and to intercept the Cayugas, if they attempted
to escape Colonel Butler. The residue of the army passed on be-
tween the lakes towards Catherine's. Colonel Dearborn burnt, in his
route, six towns, including one which had been before partly de-
stroyed by a small party, — destroying, at the same time, quantities
of corn. He took an Indian lad and three women prisoners, — one
of the women being very old, and the lad a cripple ; he left them,
and brought on the other two, and joined the army on the evening of
the 26th.

Colonel Cortland was then detached, with three hundred men, up
the Tioga branch, to search for settlements in that quarter, and,
in the space of two days, destroyed several fields of corn, and
burnt several houses. Colonel Butler joined the army on the 28th,
whereby a complete junction was formed, at Conowalahala, on the
twenty-ninth day after our leaving Newtown. Here we were met by
plenty of provisions from Tioga, which I had previously directed to
be sent on. Colonel Butler destroyed, in the Cayuga country, five
principal towns and a number of scattering houses, — the whole mak-
ing about one hundred in number, exceedingly large and well built.
He also destroyed a hundred acres of excellent corn, with a number
of orchards, — one of which had in it fifteen hundred fruit-trees.
Another Indian settlement was discovered near Newtown, by a party,
consisting of thirty-nine houses, which were also destroyed. The
number of towns destroyed by this army amounted to forty, besides

138 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a moderate
computation, must amount to one hundred and sixty thousand bush-
els, with a vast quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek
and river has been traced, and the whole country explored, in search
of Indian settlements, and I am well persuaded that, except one town
situated near the Alleghany, about fifty miles from Geneseo, there is
not a single town left in the country of the Five Nations. It is with
pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered the loss of
forty men in action, or otherwise, since my taking the command ;
though, perhaps, few troops have experienced a more fatiguing cam-
paign.

Besides, the difficulties which naturally attend marching through
an enemy's country abounding in woods, creeks, rivers, moun-
tains, morasses, and defiles, we found no small inconvenience from
the want of proper guides ; and the maps of the country are so
exceedingly erroneous, that they serve, not to enlighten, but to per-
plex. We had not a single person who was sufficiently acquainted
with the country to conduct a party out of the Indian path by day, or
scarcely in it by night : though they were the best I could possibly
procure. Their ignorance, doubtless, arose from the Indians having
ever taken the best measures in their power to prevent their country's
being explored. We had much labor in clearing our roads for the
artillery, notwithstanding which the army moved from twelve to six-
teen miles every day, when not detained by rains or employed in
destroying settlements. I feel myself much indebted to the officers of
every rank, for their unparalleled exertions, and to the soldiers, for
the unshaken firmness with which they endured the toils and difficul-
ties attending the expedition. Though I had it not in command, I
should have ventured to have paid Niagara a visit, had I been sup-
plied with a fifteen-days' provisions in addition to what I had, which,
I am persuaded, from the bravery and ardor of our troops, would
have fallen into our hands.

I forgot to mention that the Oneida sachem requested me to
grant his people liberty to hunt in the country of the Five Nations,
as they would never think of settling again in a country onc» sub-
dued, and where their settlements must ever be in our power. I
informed him, in answer, that I had no authority to grant such a
license ; that I could not at present see reason to object to it ; but
advised them to make application to Congress, who, I believed,
would, in consideration of their friendly conduct, grant them every

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 139

advantage of this kind that would not interfere with our settlement
of the country, which, I believed, would soon take place. The
Oneidas say, that, as no Indians were discovered by Colonel Butler
at Cayuga, they are of opinion they are gone to their castle, and that
their chiefs will persuade them to come in and surrender themselves
on the terms I have proposed. The army began its march from
Conowalohala yesterday, and arrived here this evening. After leav-
ing the necessary force for securing the frontiers in this quarter, I
shall move on to join the main army.

It would have been very pleasing to this army to have drawn the
enemy to a second engagement ; but such a panic seized them after
the first action, that it was impossible, as they never ventured them-
selves within reach of the army, nor have they fired a single gun as
it was on its march or in its quarters, though in a country exceeding
well calculated for ambuscades. This circumstance alone would
sufficiently prove that they suffered severely in the first effort.

Congress will please to pardon the length of this narrative, as I
thought a particular and circumstantial detail of facts would not be
disagreeable, especially as I have transmitted no accounts of the
progress of this army since the action of the 29th August. I flatter
myself that the orders with which I was intrusted are fully executed,
as we have not left a single settlement or field of corn in the country
of the Five Nations, nor is there even the appearance of an Indian on
this side Niagara. Messengers and small parties have been con-
stantly passing, and some imprudent soldiers, who straggled from the
army, mistook the route, and went back almost to Genesee without
discovering even the track of an Indian. I trust the steps I have
taken with respect to the Oneidas, Cayugas, and Mohawks will prove
satisfactory ; and here I beg leave to mention, that, in searching the
houses of these pretended neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were
found, which appeared to have been lately taken, which Colonel
Butler showed to the Oneidas, who said that they were then convinced
of the justice of the steps I had taken. The promise made to the
soldiers, in my address at Newtown, I hope will be thought reasonable
by Congress, and flatter myself that the performance of it will be
ordered. Colonel Bruin will have the honor of delivering these
despatches to your Excellency. I beg leave to recommend him to
the particular notice of Congress, as an officer, who, on this as well
as several other campaigns, has proved himself an active, brave, and
truly deserving officer.

140 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

On the Ist of October, as the expedition wa&'wniodera it Tip,
approaching the point from which it started two^ husajdjiiu
before, General Sullivan addressed the friendly OneidaSf®^ jJtl-
ered in his camp, in the following language, which was ii*, ^ ^er-
preted to them by Rev. Samuel Kirkland, long a ifevoted
missionary among the Massachusetts and New-York tribes,
and who, by his good sense and nobleness of character, ever
possessed their friendship and confidence. He accompanied
the Western army as chaplain and interpreter ; and, on various
occasions, — then, as before and after, — from his familiarity
with the Indian dialects, did good service.

Brother Warriors, — It is with the highest sense of gratitude I
now return you my thanks for your zealous and very faithful services
with this army. As part of these troops will soon return to assist
the grand army in subduing and totally extirpating our common
enemy, I must beg you to bear the following message to the chief
sachems and warriors of the Oneida nation : —

Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors op the Oneida Nation, —
It is the interest of the United States to use every means in their
power to render your nation so respectable as to become the terror
of all its enemies, and so numerous as to be able to furnish a respecta-
ble body of warriors when called upon by your allies to assist in
extirpating a common enemy. It was with this view I advised those
Cayugas who now profess friendship for us, to come in and obtain
liberty to incorporate themselves with you ; and it is, in my opinion,
your highest interest to bring about this event, which must be even
more advantageous for them.

I am well persuaded that Congress will totally extirpate the other
five nations, except those who have joined you and continued friends
to the United States, and such others as may think proper to come
in and enter into a firm league to join our friends, the Oneidas.

Your own eyes have convinced you of the justice of the measures I
pursued against the pretended friendly Cayugas, as the witnesses of
their hostile, barbarous conduct were found in their houses. Not-
withstanding which, should they or any other, who are sensible of
the error they have been led into, come in upon the terms I have held
out, they may depend on being well treated. Brothers, I am now

MAJOB-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 141

mtao« furniiig with a part of the army, leaving a sufficient number to
lie f-iiastise such as may be hardy enough again to molest our frontiers.
gi(jy And I call upon you as friends and allies, that, if you know of any
^gtf towns on the east side of the lake which belong to the unfriendly
nations, and are not destroyed, you will send your warriors to demol-
ish them. I have heard of a small, forsaken town, called Connasa-
wactine, laying about thirty or forty miles from Onaguaga. This, in
particular, I must request you to destroy.
Brothers, this is all I have to say.

The answer of Aghsarigowa, a youDg sachem of the Tus-
caroras, and Teheaniyoghiwat, warrior of the Oneida nation,
to Major-General Sullivan, interpreted by Rev. Mr. Kirkland,
was as follows : —

Brother Chief Warrior, Tegeaghtogea, — Open a candid ear !
We are but children, compared with our wise men, and only three in
number: we shall, therefore, speak our sentiments as individuals.
Brother ! You have expressed great satisfaction with our services
since we joined your army : we are very happy to meet your appro-
bation in any thing we have done, but are more pleased with your
conduct and generous sentiments as a chief warrior.

Brother, you have intrusted us with an important message to our
nation. Any answer to this, otherwise than as individuals, would
be improper ; we say, therefore, we wish we had been so fully pos-
sessed of your real sentiments at Kanadasega as we now are,
respecting those of the Cayuga nation who have not taken an active
part against the States : we think they might have been found, and,
with great ease, prevailed upon to resign themselves as prisoners of
war. Since their towns and fields are destroyed, they may not so
readily admit this declaration of yours to be sincere : however, we
believe it ; as individuals, we say there is a propriety and justice in
your laying waste their settlements and burning their cornfields, that
not an ear of their com should be left, lest it might fall into the hands
of the enemy. Your clemency toward them, and friendship to the
Oneidas, are equally conspicuous in proposing to spare any of them.

We are now convinced that your suspicions of the Cayugas, ex-
pressed at Kanadasega, were not without foundation: you see far
into things, and judge well. Brother, you have assured us, upon the
word of honor of a chief warrior, that such of the Cayugas as may

142 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

come in and join themselves to our nation, first repairing to head-
quarters, shall be spared and well treated. This is all we can wish ;
this will animate our warriors to exert themselves, — both from friend-
ship to some of the Cayugas and policy to their own nation,' — that
their strength and numbers may be increased, which you have so
much at heart. Brother, we comply with the proposal, and shall
faithfully execute the trust. As to the village called Kanaghsavagh-
tayen, you may depend on its being deserted last spring. Two of
the chief warriors came to Oneida ; the others went off to the Indian
Butler. In consequence of Joseph Brant's advice to the one party,
and threats to the other, some of the Tory party that went from
Kanaghsavaghtayen built two houses and cleared some small corn-
fields betwixt that place and Ojeningo, as we have been credibly
informed ; and, as to any other settlements on this side the lakes, we
declare upon honor we know nothing. As to the above-mentioned
houses, betwixt Kanaghsavaghtayen and Ojeningo, be assured they
shall be laid in ashes.

Brother, we hope to succeed in bringing in some of the Cayugas,
and shall forward them immediately to the chief warrior of America,
where we hope to see you. Brother, this is all we shall say,

Aghsarigowa.
Teheaniyoghiwat.

This address, and the answer, Sullivan communicated to
Congress from Tioga, on the 2d of October, with the follow-
ing letter to Mr. Jay, the President : —

Sir, — I have the honor to inclose your Excellency copy of a
speech made by me to the Oneidas yesterday, with a copy of their
answer. I hope Congress will approve of the measures I have
adopted with a view of raising the ambition of the Oneidas, and
bringing in the repenting savages. The warriors assure me that
numbers will come in upon the terms I have proposed, and that they
will send them to headquarters or to Congress. Should Congress
apprehend that I have pursued measures not founded on good policy,
I flatter myself that proper allowances will be made for the situation I
was in. I was too remote from Congress and from the commander-
in-chief to receive the necessary instructions, and therefore was
obliged to follow those steps which my own judgment dictated ;• and,
though I may have erred in judgment, I can, with great truth,

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 143

declare that I have been influenced by no motive but that of rendering
service to my country ; and nothing will be more pleasing to me
than to hear that my conduct is approved by the wisdom of that
body.

On two several occasions after their defeat at Newtown,
the Six Nations, as ascertained subsequently, came to the
determination to oppose the invading army. The first
ground selected was at what is now known as Henderson's
Flats, between Honeoye Creek and Lake Connissius. Placing
theinselves in ambush, they made a sudden attack on the
advanced guard, who, after a severe skirmish, fell back on
the main body. The Indians recognized the folly of assailing
forces greatly superior to their own, who were prepared to
receive them ; and, disheartened, withdrew. Again, on the
13th of September, with a strong body of rangers to aid them,
they showed a disposition to make a stand and provoke an
engagement. The army was brought into order of battle;
and Clinton moved, with his brigade, to gain their rear: upon
which they fled with precipitation. They became utterly
discouraged ; and, if his orders had justified his proceeding
to Niagara, Sullivan might have reduced it. But his pro-
visions, carefully husbanded, were barely suflScient for the
homeward march.

It has been suggested, that the crops destroyed might have
fed the army. But Indian corn or maize dries slowly for the
mill, and could not have been ground into meal, on a march,
in sufficient quantities. It might have served for forage, but
not for rations. Moreover, the post at Niagara was easily
defended. It was well fortified ; and its garrison, with open
water communications, could have been indefinitely strength-
ened. Without artillery or supplies, had its investment been
protracted at this late period of the season, the result would
probably have been disaster. Pour hundred miles from their
base of operations, their retreat through an almost unbroken
wilderness, the combined forces of British and Indians would

144 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

have had them at advantage, and greatly distressed, if not
annihilated, them. It was prudence, part of that policy
which — in praise or blame, termed Fabian — achieved inde-
pendence, not to make an attempt which, if unfortunate,
might have endangered the success of the cause.

Washington wrote Lafayette from West Point, 12th Sep-
tember, that " the expedition must convince the Indians that
their cruelties could not pass with impunity ; and that they
had been instigated to arms and acts of barbarism by a nation
unable to protect them, and which had left them to that cor-
rection due to their villany." On the 28th, he writes Colonel
John Laurens, " By this time I expect General Sullivan will
have completed the entire destruction of the whole settle-
ments of the Six Nations, excepting those of the Oneidas and
such other friendly towns as have merited a different treat-
ment. He had, by my last advices of the 9th, penetrated
beyond their middle settlements, had burned between fifteen
and twenty towns, destroyed all their crops, and was advan-
cing to their exterior villages. Men, women, and children
were flying before him to Niagara, distant more than one
hundred miles, in the utmost consternation, distress, and
confusion, with the Butlers, Brant, and others at their head."
In another letter to Lafayette, Oct. 20, he says, " General
Sullivan, having completed the entire destruction of the
country of the Six Nations, is at Easton, on his return to join
the army with the troops under his command. While the
Six Nations were under the rod of correction, the Mingo and
Muncey tribes, on the Alleghany, French Creek, and other
waters of the Ohio above Port Pitt, met with similar chas-
tisement from Colonel Brodhead, who, with six hundred meC;
advanced upon them at the same instant, and laid waste their
country."

After what has been said, it seems superfluous to vindicate i
further either the policy or propriety of these acts of reprisi, jl
But should a like disposition be exhibited in the forthcom^> jj?

HAJ0R-6ENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 145

volume of the work which has led to this publication, or any
future writer detract or asperse, a calm consideration of all
the circumstances inay serve to protect the memory of Sulli-
van from miisconstruction. Much has been said in censure
of the expedition, on the score of humanity. Retaliation,
prompt and decisive, has ever proved a stern necessity in
dealing with savage tribes, — the only method of staying their
brutalities. In carrying out that policy in this campaign,
the aim was to strike a salutary terror, without unneces-
sary destruction of life. Few Indians were slain, except at
the battle of Newtown. Unreasoning sensitiveness may be
shocked at the approach, in a Christian nation, to savage
warfare, even with a savage foe. But what the best men of
the country, who knew well the Indian character, deemed
justifiable and expedient, needs little apology.

Even in these days, practices, are tolerated, in hostilities
between civilized nations, when temper has gained the ascend-
ant, that are repugnant to all dictates of humanity. In the
Revolution, warfare as unsparing and relentless was waged
by British officers, with the sanction of their government,
against non-combatants, incapable of resistance. The Jersey
prison-ships ; employment of Hessians, instructed to give no
quarter; use of the tomahawk and scalping-knife, as at Wyo-
ming and Cherry Valley; the perpetration, in their forays
into Jersey, of barbarities not to be surpassed ; the brutalities
of Mowatt and Arnold ; and the inroad into Connecticut, this
very summer, when Fairfield, Norwalk, and New Haven were
reduced to ashes, — equalled in atrocity the most flagitious
enormities of any people, ancient or modern. Christian or
Pagan. However reluctant Washington and Sullivan, both
more than ordinarily generous and humane, may have been
to inflict such wide-spread devastation, public duty demanded

[ it ; and Sullivan had no alternative but to carry out his in-

ba structions, and obey the orders of Congress.

wii Without undue digression, some particulars relating to

146 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

the Six Nations may render our narrative of the events of the
campaign more inteHigible, and be acceptable to readers not
familiar with their history. According to tradition, a confed-
eracy subsisted, from periods anterior to the earliest European J
exploration, composed of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, |
Cayugas, and Senecas. They dwelt along the St. Lawrence \
and the Great Lakes; wresting, in 1603, from the Adiron-
dacks, a branch of the Algonquins, the valley of the Mohawk.
In 1712, the Tuscaroras, — a cognate tribe, if a common dior
lect be any indication, — driven from North Carolina, joined
them ; and they were afterwards known as the Six Nations.
The French gave them the generic term of " Iroquois : "
their most usual designation among themselves was " Aqua-
nuscioni," or the "United People." Their territory they
termed " The Long House : " the Mohawks guarding the
east door, — Skenektade, — at Albany ; the Senecas, the
west. The former, as most warlike, furnished the military
chieftain; the Onondagas, the principal sachem, and kept
alive the national council fire.

Surrounded by tribes as restless as themselves, — the
Chippewas, Hurons, Miamis, to the north and west; the
Lenni Lenape, or Delawares, to the south ; Adirondacks to
the north ; and the Mohegans along the Mohickannittuck, or
Hudson, — much of their time was spent in war or diplomacy.
For both they displayed natural taste and aptitude ; surpass-
ing most other Indian tribes in sagacity and shrewdness as
in courage. They had sense to perceive their inability to
resist the rapid encroachments of our settlers on their hunt-
ing-grounds, and that their annihilation or expulsion from the
land of their fathers was but a question of time. This dis-
couraging prospect naturally deepened their characteristic
gravity into sadness, and also greatly envenomed their hatred
against the intruders. Before the introduction of fire-arms,
their warfare amongst themselves consisted chiefly of stealthy
approaches, hand-to-hand encounters, implacable resentments.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 147

iSerce delight in inflicting pain and subjecting to indignity.
With more reasonable ground to dislike those of another race
who were taking possession of their territories, they were
little inclined to substitute, for their ancient methods of war-
fare, refinements of their adversaries which placed themselves
at disadvantage. In contending for the mastery with hostile
tribes, they were no doubt wily and treacherous : but, with
a civilized foe, they employed the more craft on account of
their comparative weakness ; were more cruel and merciless,
when opportunity presented temptation, from the feeling that
they had been wronged, and were still exposed to aggression.
Their longing for fire-water, which the whites furnished
them, made them dependent, and far less formidable. Under
its influence, they became uncontrollable, and glutted their
fiendish taste for torture, at the cost of those who supplied
the poison. Excess debased and degraded the red man as
much, if not more, than it ever has the white. Could they
have been spared this scourge, the impression left of them
would have much more nearly approached the ideal standard
of fiction. Pew Indian races anywhere have presented a
higher natural type than that of the Iroquois.

Their laws and customs, of immemorial sanction, were well
defined, and, if simple, suited to their condition. Their con-
ception of God — of a Great Spirit, who had created and
still governed the universe, so far as it was known to them
— was rational and elevated. Their moral sense was discrim-
inating, and they expiated sin by vicarious sacrifice. Living
in a region of extraordinary grandeur and beauty, — amidst
mountains and cataracts and lakes of exceeding loveliness, —
they were, as is found often the case with people similarly
placed, imaginative and emotional. They were affectionate
and loyal, attaching sacred regard to the rites of hospitality ;
and forming friendships, life-long and intimate, by exchange
of names, — a practice not unknown among the Germans.
Self-respect, a dignity of character that brooked no superi-

148 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

ority, that flinched from no pain or peril, were distinguishing
traits, not of the chiefs alone, but of their warriors generally.
If taciturn, as they are commonly described, this was prob-
ably less from pride than ignorance of our language. Their
own vocabulary was ample, and abounded in euphonious poly-
syllables, requiring practice to use with facility.

The Six Nations had borrowed largely from the civilization
along their borders. Missionaries and traders frequented their
villages, and instructed them in its virtues and vices, inven-
tions and arts. Many of the chieftains were well informed
and intelligent ; some few among them possessed of educa-
tion. If characters like that of Uncas are creations of ro-
mance, the wisdom and eloquence they occasionally displayed
in intercourse with their conquerors, claimed admiration
and inspired respect. They were bold and fearless, excellent
marksmen, and, in their peculiar warfare, formidable antago
nists. Their houses were convenient, their fields well tilled,
their orchards thrifty, the forests abounded in game, the
lakes and rivers with fish. But where now nearly two millions
of people crowd, with opulent cities or marts of trade, a con-
tinuous garden teeming with plentiful harvests, ninety years
ago were sparsely scattered, not many more than one hun-
dredth part that number gathering a precarious subsistence.

With pioneers, like Sir William Johnson, whose castle
still stands on the Mohawk, or with the garrisons on the fron-
tier, they had constant traffic and intercourse ; and, deriving
from Canada powder and ball, and articles of luxury which
they prized, they were easily persuaded to take part in any
scheme of rapine or hostility. Efforts were early made in
the war, by the Congress, to secure their neutrality ; but, their
supplies depending upon their siding with the Crown, these
were of little avail. The influence which Sir William Johnson,
who died in 1774, possessed over them, descended to his son,
Sir John, who, with Guy Johnson, Colonel John Butler, and
his son Walter, and other British officers, incessantly insti*

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 149

gated them to join in incursions upon defenceless settlements,
— to massacres and atrocities, in which both races showed
themselves equally savage. Joseph Brant, or Thayendane-
gea, a half-breed, the brother of the last Lady Johnson, known
as Molly Brant, had been sent in 1761, at the age of nine-
teen, to a seminary at Lebanon in Connecticut, where he
passed, it is said, three years. Upon his return, he soon
gained an ascendancy throughout the confederacy, which he
retained during the Revolution, and long afterwards, till his
death, in 1807. He was brave, and often led in the war-path;
but the imputation of cruelty, often made against him, ap-
pears to be without foundation, and anecdotes are numerous
of his generosity and kindness.

At the massacre with which his name was associated by
the poet Campbell, in his " Gertrude of Wyoming," he was
not present. Indeed, this was rather a contest between To-
ries who had been driven away from their possessions, and
the friends of independence. The valley of Wyoming had for
many years been an object of contention between the Iroquois
and Delawares, the latter being finally compelled to yield.
Embraced in the patents of Connecticut, and also in Penn's,
rival claimants from either colony had later striven in arms
for its possession. Compromise had been partially effected ;
and, at the beginning of the war, five thousand people, in its
several settlements, pursued the arts of peace and industry.
The larger number favoring the American cause, the Tories
were ejected; but they returned, with Indian auxiliaries,
when the young men were, for the most part, away in the
Federal army, to wreak their resentment.

But Wyoming in 1778, Cherry Valley in 1779, formed a
small portion of the bloody raids along the border. They
inspired the greater dread, that they came without warning
and when least expected, and seemed only to be distinguished
by their increasing atrocities. Tidings that the British were
fomenting hostilities throughout the West, and that combina-

• ■••

150 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

tions had been actually formed for a general attack Upon our
frontier settlements, produced alarm, and demanded vigorous
measures. Washington, who had been much among the In-
dians, shared with them in the chase, tarried in their villages,
and well knew their character, had proposed retaliation, from
a conviction that an oflFensive war was the only mode to deter
them from repetition of their enormities. He could not have
supposed that any measures, however vigorous or successful,
would change their nature or stop their ravages; but he
hoped, by destroying their resources, to check them, and
this he eflFectually accomplished.

The army resumed its march, and arrived at its starting-
point, at Easton, the 15th of October. It had traversed,
going and returning, from six to seven hundred miles of
a most diflScult country, intersected by numberless water-
Courses, without roads, where the Indian trails were often
rather a perplexity than an aid. If the expedition was not
particularly eventful in startling incidents, the journals and
diaries of several of the oflScers, as also numerous private
letters that have been preserved, mention occurrences of
much interest to the inhabitants of the country, as well as to
the descendants of those who took part in the campaign.
Many of the local names that occur in them, as also in the
foregoing correspondence, still designate the waters, or towns
that occupy the sites of Indian villages ; and their musical
cadence causes regret that more have not been retained.
With this exception, few vestiges remain, over all the twenty
to twenty-five thousand square miles which constituted their
domain, of these once-powerful tribes.

Shortly after Great Britain acknowledged the independence
of her revolted colonies, measures were taken to determine
the title to the territory. This was disputed; both New
York and Massachusetts claiming it. The latter, under its
patent from the Plymouth Company, bounded on the Western
Ocean. The Dutch colony of New York, surrendered to

MAJOE-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 151

Cbarles II., had been by him given to his brother, the Duke
of York, afterwards James II. This grant only covered
what the Dutch had reduced to possession ; and, though their
settlements had extended along the Hudson, they had not
spread far beyond its western bank. The charge of the claim,
on the part of Massachusetts, was left to a committee of its
legislature, of which James Sullivan — a brother of General
Sullivan, who had recently resigned his seat on the Supreme
Bench, and afterwards Governor of the State — was the chair-
man. He was chosen, at the same time, to the Continental
Congress; and the title was submitted for adjudication to a
tribunal, constituted as provided under the articles of confed-
eration. It was agreed between the litigants, in 1786, to
divide equally the territory between them. Unfortunately
for Massachusetts, her legislature resolved to dispose of her
share prematurely, and far less was obtained for it than might
have been realized had she waited a few years longer. But
her debt was large, her taxes burthensome, and the charge of
such a territory, outside her borders, was an embarrassment.
Precautions were taken, in her agreement with New York
and with her own grantees, to protect the Indians ; and, nearly
forty years later, agents were appointed by her executive to
attend negotiations with .the remaining Indian proprietors,
and see that their rights were respected.

When the letter of General Sullivan of the 28th of Sep-
tember, transmitted by Washington on the 9th of October,
reached Philadelphia on the 14th, on motion of Mr. Gerry,
seconded by Mr. Morris, " the thanks of Congress were voted
to his Excellency General Washington for directing, and to
Major-General Sullivan and the brave oflScers and soldiers
tinder his command for effectually executing, an important
expedition against such of the Indian nations as, encouraged
by the councils and conducted by the officers of his Brit-
tanic majesty, had perfidiously waged an unprovoked and
cruel war against these United States, laid waste many of

152 THE MILITABT SEBYICES OF

their defenceless towns, and, with savage barbarity^io, slangh-
tered the inhabitants thereof;" and it was orderjged, that
the second Thursday in December should be set api^irt as a
general day of thanksgiving. ^

As the campaign was now ended, and the army to be broken
up, the usual testimonials of respect and kindly feeling were
tendered General Sullivan by those who had served under
him. The following, dated the 16th of October, is signed by
General Maxwell, Colonels Shreeve and Spencer, and the
other officers of the Jersey Brigade. The expression of ap-
probation of his services may seem out of place, unless inter-
preted by the disposition, manifested in preceding campaigns,
to hold him responsible for not succeeding where success was
not to be expected.

We, the Generals and Field-officers of the Jersey Brigade, in
their behalf beg leave to offer to your Honor the just tribute of our
grateful applause for your polite attention to your officers, your un-
wearied and indefatigable endeavors to serve your country and your
army, during your command on the Western expedition. We are
filled with the most agreeable sensations when we reflect on the im-
portant success of this part of the American army, and the harmony
and universal satisfaction that subsisted in it, which, we are con-
vinced, was owing in a gi-eat degree to your impartiality and superior
abilities. We have the pleasure to assure you, that not only the offi-
cers, but the soldiers, unanimously approve of your conduct during
your present command ; and they trust it will be the same in future,
whenever they shall have the honor of serving under you. We are,
with the greatest respect and esteem.

In his letter to Washington occurred the following pas-
sage, alluding to his health : " I should have acknowledged
the receipt of your Excellency's favors of the 15th and 24th
of August, and those of the 3d and 15th instant, had not my
ill state of health, which has continued through the cam-
paign, the constant fatigue, and the difficulty of forwarding
expresses, prevented. That of the 15th reached me the
26th. I am happy to find that your wishes therein expressed

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 153

were anticipated; as there is not, at this time, even the
appearance of an Indian on this side of the Genesee, and I
believe there is not one on this side Niagara, nor is there
any kind of sustenance left for them in this country.''

For five years Sullivan had been in active service, winter
and summer. His incessant duties and limited resources pre-
vented much attention to his health ; and his physicians now
advised him, that, in its present condition, further exposures
in the field would be fatal. He accordingly concluded to
resign. Perhaps the nature of his last campaign, and the
injustice to which he had had to submit, may have strength-
ened this determination. On the 6th of November, he wrote
Washington as follows, from Sovereign's tavern : —

Dear General, — I am sorry to inform your Excellency, that
I am under the painful necessity of leaving a service to which I am, by
principle and interest, attached. And among the variety of mortifi-
cations which I must suffer in quitting it, that of being deprived of the
pleasure of serving under your Excellency stands among the fore-
most. My health is too much impaired to be recovered, but by a
total release from business. And, though the physicians give me
encouragement that this will restore me, I am myself convinced of
the contrary ; and fear that I must content myself with enjoying the
reflection of having used my utmost to serve my country, as the only
thing I shall receive in exchange for a constitution sacrificed in en-
deavoring to promote its interests. Should there be a probability of
the Count d'Estaing's arrival, I would willingly wait to give the little
assistance in my power to extirpate the enemies of the country. But
should this not be likely to happen, and the season be too far ad-
vanced, I must beg your Excellency's leave to retire as soon as pos-
sible, that I may take every measure in my power to restore my
health in some degree ; or, at least, to live in such a measure as will
not tend to put it beyond a possibility of being restored, which a
longer continuance in the service undoubtedly will.

Three days later, he sent a communication to Congress,
requesting leave, on account of ill health, to retire from the
army. It was moved that his resignation should not' be
accepted, but that he should have leave to retire from the

154 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

service as long as he should judge it expedient for the recov-
ery of his health. This was left to a committee, who report-
ed, on the 30th, that Congress had a just sense of the ser-
vices and abilities of Major-General Sullivan, and greatly
regret the indisposition which deprives them of so gallant
an officer; but that, as his health would not permit him to
remain in the American army, his resignation be accepted.
It being then moved by Mr. Gerry, seconded by Mr. Pea-
body, that General Sullivan should have leave to retire so
long as he should judge necessary for the recovery of bis
health, four States — Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode
Island, and North Carolina — voted in favor, and New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and one member from
Virginia, were opposed. The report of the committee was
accepted, and the usual thanks voted for his past services.

These votes have been cited by the ill-natured, who take
pleasure in disparagement, as proving a low estimate of
Sullivan as a general oflScer. Some of the Congress may
have been biassed. The Board of War was all influential;
and he had offended them. The secret history of the Cabal
reveals the unscrupulous expedients to which they at times
resorted to promote their favorites, in the place of Washington,
Sullivan, and Greene. But continuance on the army rolls
was wholly incompatible with his health, resources, or obli-
gations to his wife and children ; and he was sincere in his
request to be relieved. Many who opposed the amendment,
proposed to be substituted in part for the report of the com-
mittee, were doubtless his friends, and voted as he wished.

Other generals retired from the army, but none with any
more flattering testimonials. Popular favor for military men
is sufficiently capricious ; but that of politicians, swayed by
selfish or party interests, is no test whatever of merit. This
was especially true of Congress in 1779, which had degen-
erated since 1775. Many would have gladly seen Washington
supplanted by Gates, who had received the surrender of Bur-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 155

goyne at Saratoga, — the great success of the war. Preju-
dices and animosities, rife at that period, still taint the pens
of the superficial and malignant. But an impartial study of
the materials that remain for forming an exact estimate of the
military characters of the Revolution dispels such delusions.
The foregoing correspondence cannot fail to convince the
candid that Sullivan possessed unusual aptitudes for military
service, which experience and criticism had served to im-
prove. However vexatious to encounter cavil and detraction
in the path of duty, there is no more effective spur to excel-
lence. Sullivan had his share of them, and knew how to
profit by what was disagreeable.

In taking leave of Washington, in a letter not printed in
full, but which is probably still in existence, he thus cau-
tions him to be on his guard against those who were seek-
ing to undermine him in public confidence : " Permit me to
inform your Excellency, that the faction raised against you,
in 1777, into which General Conway was unfortunately and
imprudently drawn, is not yet destroyed. The members are
waiting to collect strength, and seize some favorable moment
to appear in force. I speak not from conjecture, but from
certain knowledge. Their plan is to take every method of
proving the danger arising from a commander who enjoys
the full and unlimited confidence of his army, and alarm the
people with the prospect of imaginary evils ; nay, they will
endeavor to convert your virtues into arrows, with which
they will seek to wound you.

" The next stage is to persuade Congress that the military
power of America should be placed in three or four different
hands, each having a separate quarter of the continent as-
signed to him, and each commander to answer to Congress
only for his conduct. This, they say, will prevent an aspir-
ing commander from enslaving his country, and put it in the
power of Congress, with the assistance of the other com-
manders, to punish the attempt. This is a refinement in pol-

156 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

itics, an improvement on public virtue, which Greece and
Rome could never boast. The present time is unfavorable
to their designs. They well know that the voice of citizens
and soldiers would be unanimously against them ; but they
wait a more favorable opportunity, which they will cer-
tainly improve. I am well convinced that they cannot suc-
ceed; yet I thought it my duty, on the moment of my
departure, to give you this notice, that you may not only
be on your guard, but avoid intrusting those persons in
matters where your interest and honor are nearly concerned.
I persuade myself that your steady and prudent conduct will
baffle every attempt."

To this letter Washington writes, in reply, from Morris-
town, Dec. 15: —

"I had the pleasure of receiving, a few days since, by Captain
Bruin, your letter of the 1st inst. I assure you, I am sensibly touched
by so striking an instance of your friendship, at a time and in a man-
ner, that demonstrates its own sincerity, and confirms the opinion I
have always entertained of your sentiments towards me. I wish you
to believe that your uneasiness, on the score you mention, had never
the least foundation. A slender acquaintance with the w^orld must
convince every man, that deeds, not words, are the true criterion of
the attachment of his friends, and that the most liberal professions
of good-will are far from being the surest marks of it.

" I should be happy, if my own experience had afforded fewer
examples of the little dependence to be placed upon them. I am
particularly indebted to you for the interesting information you give
me of the views of a certain party. Against intrigues of this kind,
incident to every man in a public station, his best support will be a
faithful discharge of his duty, and he must rely on the justice of his
country for the event.

" I flatter myself it is unnecessary for me to repeat to you how
high a place you hold in my esteem. The confidence you have expe-
rienced, and the manner in which you have been employed on several
important occasions, testify the value I set upon your military qualifi-
cations, and the regret I must feel, that circumstances have deprived
the army of your services. The pleasure I shall always take in an

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 157

interchange of good offices, in whatever station you may hereafter be
placed, will be the best confirmation of the personal regard with
which I have been, and am,

" Very sincerely, dear sir," &c.

In his expressions of regret, from Morristown, that Sullivan
was leaving the army, Greene gives this gloomy picture of
the condition of aflFairs : " Our military exertions, however
great, leave us but a dull prospect, while administration is
torn to pieces by faction, and the business of finance is in
distress. False pride and secret enmity poison our counsels,
and distract our measures ; indeed, the States are so local in
their policy, that we are more like individuals than a united
body." But it was not in consequence of these discouraging
circumstances that Sullivan resigned. Had his health and
obligations permitted his retaining his post, he would have
accepted the situation as did others, and persevered, sub-
mitting in patience to that injustice and caprice which are apt
to sway when deliberative bodies control military movements.
But he had done his duty; and, justified in his own mind
in quitting the service, must have gladly welcomed emanci-
pation from a thraldom fretting his sensitive nature to the
quick.

Here closes his connection with the army. Readers can
form, from this review of his campaigns, their own estimate of
his military character. Neither his civil nor military claims,
to be remembered, would have been probably recalled to
public notice, had not the latter been impugned. It is, upon
the whole, fortunate, as so much of interest remained in man-
uscript, not likely otherwise to reach the light, that the sub-
]ect has been disturbed. After impartial examination, the
conviction seems irresistible, that he displa/ed, in the field,
abilities of the same high order that distinguished him at the
bar, as a member of Congress, in his administration as execu-
tive of his State. It cannot be reasonably disputed, that,
^ after Washington and Greene J he ranked among the ablest
generals of the Revolution.

158 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

In coming to this conclusion, no allowance is made for want
of preparatory training, limited means or opportunities.
Other good generals had no better, and all alike must be
judged by what they were and did. Any extraordinary em-
barrassments, common to them all, should be taken into view.
There were many exceedingly discouraging. Throughout the
early period of the war, the soldiers were to be instructed in
their duties in the intervals of toilsome marches, or in the
presence of the enemy. Freedom from restraint in their pre-
vious pursuits made discipline irksome, and no less tnotive than
the object at stake and consequences of defeat could have re-
conciled them to its necessity. OflScers often knew less than
their men, and had few advantages over them to command
obedience or inspire respect. There was little uniformity of
drill ; the guns were of different sizes and descriptions ; and,
from short enlistments, soldiers, by the time they became
effective, left the ranks, and were replaced by raw recruits.

Out of such material to form an army able to cope with
veterans well organized, armed, and officered, demanded
strenuous effort, patience not easily perturbed, a vigilance
never relaxed. The best of tact and temper were requisite
to insure subordination, render attractive midnight marches,
or work upon the lines. Sullivan possessed these, and many
other natural and acquired qualifications, for his share of this
task. He had the happy faculty, invaluable in a civil war,
of winning affection from officers and men, testified on occa-
sions proving its sincerity. His dignity of character and
bearing conciliated their confidence, yet repelled undue
familiarity; and a buoyant temperament and kindly nature
made him easy of approach, and his intercourse agreeable.
He was generous and sympathetic, never sparing time or
means to do a service. His consideration for the sick and
wounded, his attention to the comfort and enjoyment of all,
his justice and impartiality, have been specially recorded.

Coolness in critical moments; equanimity never perplexed

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 159

or disconcerted; intuitive perception of all possible contin-
gencies and probabilities ; sagacity to anticipate the designs
of his adversaries, and wisdom, by rapid combinations, to
baffle and circumvent them ; confidence in his own resources,
which awaits events without anxiety, encounters unexpected
conjunctures with composure, improves occasion promptly
and with vigor ; moral courage and loyalty to obligation,
which assumes responsibilities, regardless of selfish consider-
ations, — are essential elements in the character of a good
commander, and there is evidence to show that Sullivan pos-
sessed them. If by nature of a fiery and impetuous temper,
and indifferent to personal danger, he was mindful of the
lives intrusted to his keeping, and cautious how he need-
lessly exposed them.

Active and indefatigable, he shared with the men in their
toils and hardships, was ever at the post of danger to lead
the attack or cover the retreat, when there was hesitation or
panic. Emergencies were frequently occurring in Which the
example of their commander was needed to embolden the
brave as well as the timid. The popularity which he gained
by these traits, he improved by timely words, to keep aglow
their ardor, and attach them to the cause.

As the war proceeded, this was a more difficult task. The
country, in time, became exhausted. The soldiers were fam-
ishing, without shoes or garments. If paid at all, it was in a
depreciating currency, which lost what little it had of value
before expended. Hope of success, however remote, ap-
peared irrational. To keep an army in the field, under cir-
cumstances so deplorable, demanded ability, the noblest traits,
in the general officers. Had they not possessed them, their
forces would have melted away, and resistance ceased for
lack of combatants. All credit is due to the indomitable
spirit that animated the patriots ; but, if they had not reposed
implicit faith in their leaders, they would not have served
under them. They were fighting in a rebel cause ; realizing

160 THE lOLITABY SERVICES OF

that defeat would expose both themselves and their officers
to ignominious punishment, reduce all ranks to the same
level. Not their own safety alone, but the cause for which
they were incurring risk and sacrifice, depended upon the
competency of their generals. Not one of them, unless Wash-
ington, received from their soldiers more genuine and un*
qualified marks of their confidence than Sullivan. If this
resulted, in some instances, from his having been traduced, as
by Mr, Burke after Brandywine, they generally were the spon-
taneous recognition of his considerate care, and prompted by
afiection. He did not court their favor by any sedulous arts,
but by deserving it. But he understood human nature, had
tact to perceive when severity should be tempered by lenity,
and continued a favorite though maintaining authority.

In an army so constituted, very rigid discipline would
have thinned the ranks, and circumspection was to be used.
Sullivan was exacting, and occasionally gave offence, as in
June, 1777, by insisting upon conformity to the rules. But
he kept within the limits of moderation, aiming rather at
what would be judicious under the circumstances, than best
under more favorable conditions. That his division was con-
sidered effective, may be inferred from Washington confront-
ing it so often with the enemy. It consisted chiefly of good
materials, — New-Hampshire and Maryland regiments form-
ing part of it.

Sullivan was said to have always the best intelligence of
any in the army. His instructions for special or partisan
service are minute and sensible. His marches were well ar-
ranged and expeditious, and, on several occasions, at night ;
and, although through a strange country, they were without
the least confusion. He was ever on the alert for opportu-
nity; willing, with a fair chance of inflicting a blow upon
the enemy, to brave the possible mortification of defeat.
The several occasions on which he held independent com-
mands afforded little opportunity for the display of strategy

MA JOB-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 161

on any extended scale. But his correspondence indicates
that grasp of mind and acquaintance with principles which
plans campaigns and constitutes generalship. The best evi-
dence of his abilities on the battle-field has been already
spread before the reader, and needs no repetition. Lafayette
said that the engagement at Butt's Hill was the best-fought
battle of the war. Prom the outset of the Revolution, Sulli-
van took pains to fit himself for its exigencies. He purchased
a valuable collection of military works, and studied them, until
they, unfortunately, were captured.

Whatever the post assigned him, he accepted it cheer-
fully, and discharged its duties with all his energies. After
withdrawing the troops from Canada in 1776, eliciting the
admiration of the whole army, he was superseded by Gates ;
and again, a month later, he was placed at Long Island, under
Putnam. If ambitious for positions of greater responsibility,
what general of that war or any other has not exhibited a
sentiment universal among soldiers ? But throughout his mili-
tary life — at the siege of Boston ; in Canada, at Long Island,
in West Chester, at Trenton, in 1776; at Princeton, in the
Jerseys, in front of Morristown, in the descent on Staten
Island, at Brandywine and Germantown, at Valley Forge, in
1777 ; in the campaigns on Rhode Island, in 1778 ; in Western
New York, in 1779 — he did his full part towards bringing
about American independence. As is ever the case with
subordinates in war, the prudence and bravery that won the
victory, or prevented disaster in defeat, did not always get
the credit.

Among his brother officers, there were few, of any note,
who were not warmly attached to him. Arthur St. Clair —
a very good officer, but unfortunate then, as a dozen years
later, when defeated on the Indian frontier — he had censured
for his retreat from Ticonderoga. Parsons felt ofiended at
some strictures upon an expedition to Long Island, that should
have been attended with better success. De Borre, his briga-

162 THE MILITABY SERVICES OP

dier, who took advantage of his long European service to
dictate, when he did not understand our language or the
character of our people, was a block of stumbling. But these
were exceptional ; and numerous letters exist, to show that he
was highly esteemed and tenderly beloved, not only by those
who served under him, by Poor, Varnum, Stark, Maxwell,
Cornell, Glover, Hazen, Wayne, Laurens, and Scammell, all
honored names, and none more gallant than the last ; but by
Washington, Greene, Lafayette, Knox, Sterling, Schuyler,
Steuben, Hamilton, Heath, Putnam, Stephen, McDougall,
Lincoln, and every other officer of rank and character whose
respect or friendship was worth having.

As the war went on, members of the Congress who had
served with him withdrew to other posts of duty. The suc-
cess of Gates at Saratoga had covered him with glory, to
be as speedily lost in the Southern campaign. But, while he
continued in the ascendant, the intrigues of his friends, to
supplant Washington, worked to the prejudice of all who
stood in the way. Sullivan, who was associated with the
great expectations of the Rhode-Island expedition and with
its disappointments, may have fallen somewhat in the estima-
tion of Congress. But recent experience shows how little
reliance can be placed upon popularity as a test of merit.

Allusion has already been made to the bias evident in
Gordon. His book was published in England. He had had
a bitter controversy with James Sullivan, of Massachusetts,
upon the impropriety of Sir John Temple — a loyalist and
alien enemy — being permitted to remain in the country.
Gordon was a friend of Bowdoin, father-in-law of Temple;
and a letter of General Sullivan to Hancock, congratulating
him on his triumph over Bowdoin, in the contest for the
chief magistracy, intercepted, and printed at New York in
Rivington's Gazette, still further imbittered his dislike. Any
one who compares Gordon's statements with historical docu-
ments, will discover gross carelessness, if not deliberate mis-
representation.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 163

The character and conduct of all historical personages are
fair subjects for scrutiny. Neither the descendants nor the
friends of General Sullivan can desire that his should be
exempt from that ordeal which whoever engages in public
affairs accepts. They have no reason to apprehend, that a
thorough study of his life and correspondence, of his civil
and military career, will otherwise than redound to his glory
and honor.

Prom early manhood, for thirty years, he was incessantly
in the public service. He shared the friendship and esteem
of Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, John and Samuel Adams,
the Morrises, Lees, Livingstons, and others of the best men
of his day. He was repeatedly elevated by his own State to
the highest places of trust and confidence. During the war,
whenever censured from temporary misapprehension, he was
invariably applauded when the truth was ascertained. He
risked life, lost health, sacrificed a considerable portion of
his estate, in establishing the liberty of his country. He
considered neither hardships nor privations of any conse- .
quence, in her service. If he had little experience of military
movements, this was true also of Washington, and of nearly
all our Revolutionary commanders. He ever acted under a
deep sense of responsibility to promote the cause for which,
if unsuccessful, in common with other more conspicuous per-
sonages, he was likely to be selected for the pains and pen-
alties of treason. ^

Lights and shades may add to the interest of a narra- .
tive, but are dearly purchased at the sacrifice of truth.
Character, and the susceptibilities of descendants, are too
sacred to be sported with for the entertainment or instruc-
tion of readers. What wealth or personal endowment, what
social distinction or laurels, literary or political, are more
precious to possess than the privilege of having sprung
from such a character as General Greene, or from Washing-
ton, had he left posterity ? Not for any vainglory or conse-

164 THE MILITART SERYICES OV

quoDce in the sight of other men, but from a natural pride
implanted in every generous breast. Honorable public ser-
vice, self-sacrifice for national objects, transmit, to those that
come after, a share in their rewards, and shed a lustre on suc-
ceeding generations. Under monarchical forms, this, carried
to excess, may foster hereditary exclusiveness, or build up a
privileged class ; but there is no such tendency under free in-
stitutions. There is little danger anywhere, that the grand
qualities and noble traits which history delights to honor can
be too highly estimated, too much extolled or respected,
either in their original brightness or their reflected splendors.

An humble wish to vindicate the memory of General
Sullivan from reflections upon his military character, pro-
ceeding obviously from prejudice, led to this publication.
The evidence oflfered proves those reflections undeserved.
It is for the public, now and hereafter, to decide if this judg-
ment be correct. It is our duty, who cherish his memory, —
descendants, kindred, friends of free institutions, the State
he so long and faithfully served, the American people, — to
take heed that every fact, circumstance, motive, be considered,
before his fair fame, as an efficient leader in the achievement
of our national independence, is unjustly tarnished.

The specific allegations that have been brought against
him, and which it has been our aim to refute, are: First,
Want of discretion in submitting to Congress propositions
of reconciliation from Lord Howe. Second, An injudicious
descent on Staten Island, in August, 1777. Third, Trans-
mitting intelligence to Washington which was subsequently
found to be incorrect ; disobedience of orders ; and marching
his troops to the right of Stirling, at Brandywine, Sept. 11,
1777. Fourth, Wasting powder at Germantown, Oct. 4, 1777.
Fifth, Recommending Conway as inspector-general. Sixth,
. Keeping on terms of courtesy with Gates.

From these charges, the following condensed summary pre-
sents what seems a conclusive vindication : —

HAJ0B-6ENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 165

L TJiat Oeneral Sullivan should have gladly embraced the
proposal of Howe, to go to Philadelphia, where he could
best eflfect his exchange for Prescott, was far from being an
indiscretion. It certainly would have been the height of in-
discretion to have refused to communicate Howe's friendly
dispositions, in such form as he inclined to make them, — not
certainly again in writing, as they had already been so re-
ceived; and it was for Congress to determine what notice
to take of them.

After such a defeat as that of Long Island, to gain time by
negotiation, to recover strength for more effectual resistance,
was the part of prudence ; and prejudice must travel far to
find, in the course pursued by Sullivan, any ground for cen-
sure.

11. Marshall says, the descent on Staten Island was well
planned and conducted, although boats enough were not se-
cured to warrant the attempt. Gordon shows there were
boats enough ; but the persons in charge were frightened off
from the landing, by seeing the eighty prisoners captured
by Ogden, in their red uniforms, on a vessel he had seized.

Smallwood was to have placed a regiment at the Gross
roads, to have intercepted, at the Neck, fugitives from the
Provincial regiments routed by Ogden, while on their way to
give the alarm to the regulars; but, as Marshall tells us, he
was misconducted, by his guides, to the front, instead of to
the rear, of the enemy. Accidents are apt to attend such
attacks by night, and should not be attributed, as favlta, to
any one.

Ogden says, if Gongress had not been imposed upon by
misrepresentations, no court of inquiry would have been
ordered, and its decree exonerated Sullivan from all re-
proach. If the public are not also imposed upon by misrep-
resentations, they will confirm this decree. In the eagerness
to censure, no notice is taken of the reasons why the expedi-
tion proved less successful than anticipated. As to any con-

166 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

sequent delay in joining Washington, this is absurd. The
British fleet was reported in the Chesapeake on the 21st, and
Sullivan had returned from the island on the 22d.

III. The transmission, at Brandywine, of the intelligence
of Major Spear, Washington said was the duty of Sullivan.

As to disobedience of orders, had Washington seen fit to
persist in his plan, orders to cross the Brandywine would
have reached the right wing in fifteen minutes ; yet from
one to two hours elapsed before Cornwallis was heard of, on
the left bank.

As to marching too far to the left, instead of going to the
right of Lord Stirling, any person familiar with the localities
and relative position of the armies, — any tyro in military
science, — knows, that, instead of marching too far to the left,
he was actually marching /rom the left; that, when headed
off by the British, he was not far enough to the right to con-
nect with the divisions of Stephen and Stirling ; and there is
no evidence his division ever endeavored to march to their
right.

Muhlenberg (p. 92), which has often been quoted, goes to
show that De Borre raised some question as to his position on
the right, but not Sullivan; and neither De Chastellux nor
any other authority, certainly not any one that is cited, sus-
tains the statement, that " Sullivan undertook to march his
division from half a mile beyond the left, to his proper place
on the right.''

Sullivan's own letter is full and extremely clear as to what
he did. It is the best evidence ; and the natural impression
left by it on any mind unprejudiced is, that we were fortunate
in possessing generals as eflScient as himself, in our Revolu-
tionary armies. It certainly is unnecessary to disparage
them, — to find a reason why twelve thousand British veterans
triumphed, after nearly two hours' hard fighting, over four
thousand American continentals and militiamen.

IV. As to powder wasted at Germantown, this is stated,

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 167

without any authority or justification, as a reflection on Sul-
livan. The only ground on which the statement is made, is,
that an inexperienced colonel in his wing of the army, in the
obscurity of the morning, did not check his men when
firing oftener than was worth while, as it chanced. This is
matter of opinion. It was not certainly the fault of Sullivan,
who had no means of knowing, in the darkness, what any
particular regiment had in its front.

The loss of the battle is generally ascribed to the waste of
time at the Chew House, from Washington preferring the
advice of Knox, not to leave a castle in his rear, to that of
Pulaski, who cited the case of an Italian army returning
from victory to capture a similar post. Washington no more
than Sullivan was infallible : both were liable to mistake ;
both in their day were, and have been since, bitterly cen-
sured. Mr. Adams said Washington was no general; but
this does not lessen our own faith that he was first as well
in war as in peace, and in the hearts of his countrymen.

V. No one who studies the career of Conway, and realizes
how sensitively he must have felt the low estimate that Wash-
ington formed of his military qualifications, as communicated
to Congress, can be surprised at his favoring Gates, whose
army at Saratoga had achieved the great success of the war,
rather than Washington, who, with the exception of Trenton
and Princeton, had met only with disaster. Sullivan had had
occasion to think well of him ; and Congress, by giving the
appointment, appear to have agreed with him.

VI. As to Sullivan siding with Gates to supplant Wash-
ington, this is sufficiently disproved by other correspondence,
as well as the last letter quoted.

This brief narrative of his military career has appeared
to us the best mode of refuting these charges. A more ex-
tended biography would require time for preparation. But
abundant evidence has been adduced to satisfy intelligent
mindS; that they are without foundation, either in fact or

168 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

reasonable inference. It also compels the conviction, that
any writer, who makes such unscrupulous statements on the
testimony, betrays a prejudice and want of fidelity to historic
truth, proving him to be far less qualified for his task, as an
historian of the Revolution, than he would have us believe
some of its most honored generals were for the command
of its armies.

Success is a low criterion of merit or character. To strug-
gle with adversity, to contend against odds, to be persever-
ing notwithstanding discouragement, to have one's good evil
spoken of, to be maligned and misrepresented, and yet pre-
serve an amiable temper, an imperturbable spirit, a steadfast
determination in the discharge of duty, characterized Wash-
ington, Sullivan, and many other of the patriots. Their
difficulties, disappointments, or reverses aflford more valuable
lessons for example and emulation, and far better deserve our
respect, than glory or triumph. The times that tried men's
souls on the banks of the Delaware in 1776, and at Valley
Forge in the winter of 1778, exhibited courage and fortitude
more worthy of admiration than Saratoga, Monmouth, or
Yorktown. He is neither generous nor patriotic who de-
scribes our great heroic epoch in a spirit of detraction or
cynicism. Nor is it truth or honor to stigmatize or applaud
for the sake of lights or shades which may attract or amuse.
A writer of history has no peculiar privilege to dishonor the
dead, nor can he with impunity wound the sensibilities of the
living.

It seems difficult to credit the sincerity of any one who
thus wantonly trifles with a just sensitiveness. If the actu-
ating motive be to gain a reputation for candor, it is quite sure
to result in a signal failure. Heath, Putnam, Wayne, Schuy-
ler, Greene, as Sullivan, did enough good service in the cause
of American independence to save their memories from sacri-
legious sneers, or reflections upon their sense or courage,
Beed had committed no act, expressed no opinion, that could

MAJOB-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 169

warrant a charge little short of treachery. If untiring and
steadfast devotion to the noblest cause ever contended for

is no shield against cavil and reproach ; if sacrifice of home,
health, and fortune must only expose those who come after
to harsh epithets and cruel aspersions upon memories they
hold sacred, — there probably will be still the same noble
self-immolation on national altars: but what a discourage-
ment, what a sorry requital I

It is unfortunate for the cause of truth, that writers,
whose works circulate where no vindication can follow
them, and who are in a measure beyond the reach of respon-
sibility, should make such unworthy use of their position, to
tarnish reputations, amongst the most precious heir-looms of
the American people? Our generals may not have been ac-
complished officers, they had few opportunities of learning
the profession of arms, and made occasional mistakes; so did
Cassar and Wellington : but they patiently sacrificed fortune,
health, life, in the cause of our national independence ; and it
seems a sacrilege, in these degenerate days, to pass harsh
judgment upon their services, or deprive them of their well-
earned laurels.

Our immediate task has ended with the retirement of Sulli-
van from the army. A brief narrative of the events of his sub-
sequent career will help to indicate the estimation in which his
services were held in New Hampshire, and generally through-
out the country. It will abundantly prove that the opinion en-
tertained of them by the communities and generations that
knew him best, iassentially differed from the stinted praise of
Gordon, or the perversions of later writers. In the animos-
ities engendered by competition for popular favor in contested
elections, in which for several years he was the candidate
generally successful for the chief magistracy or other official
honors, and consequently the frequent subject of comment in

the press, not a word of censure or disparagement is found to

170 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

detract from the high reputation which he was universally
conceded to have won as a general in the war.

He. left the camp in December, and, by the fifth of Febru-
ary, 1780, was under his own roof at Durham. After nearly
six years of separation, excepting for a few days at long
intervals, he had the happiness of being once more with his
wife, to whom he was tenderly attached ; and with his chil-
dren, already old enough to need his guidance. His health
bad been greatly impaired, if not undermined, by hardship and
exposure ; and even its partial restoration depended on rest
and medical care. But his nature was too energetic for repose,
and his affairs, from prolonged absence, claimed attention.
His expenses during his campaigns, not reimbursed^by Con-
gress .as ^inthe case of Washington, had made a serious inroad
on his previous accumulations. Depreciated values, from the
prostration of trade, rendered it imperative for him to resume
bis profession, if he would meet his engagements, or supply
the wants of those dependent upon him, without sacrifice of
property.

The eminent position he had taken before the war as an
able advocate, derived fresh lustre from his public services ;
and, with his frank and generous disposition and prepossessing
manners, he was not compelled to wait for clients. He en-
gaged in practice with his wonted ardor, and every prospect
of distinguished success. But he was not long permitted to
pursue his professional labors. It was believed that he could
render valuable assistance at Philadelphia, in settlenp^ent of a
controversy then raging with extreme virulence, and which
disturbed the tranquillity of the State, The point in dispute
was as to whom belonged the property and jurisdiction of the
country west of the Connecticiitj and lying between that river
and Lake Ghamplain. Prom the more verdant tint of the
moimtains that in ranges or clusters extended over it, when
compared with the grayer hue of the granite hills east of the.
river, it had received the name of Vermont.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 171

•

The title of this territory embracing an area of over ten
thousand square miles had been earlier disputed by Prance,
and also by Massachusetts, which province had built a fort
within its limits. After the French ceded Canada, in 1760,
New York claimed it, as having been included in the grant, a
century before, from Charles II. to his brother, the Duke of
York. It was also supposed to be covered by some of the early
patents of New Hampshire ; and that State had conveyed to
her own people a portion of the tract in litigation, known
as the Hampshire Grants. The fifty or sixty thousand inhabi-
tants, acknowledging no right in either claimant, asserted
their independence, and insisted upon recognition as a separ
rate State. Some of the settlements between the Mason Grant
and east bank of the river were disposed to transfer to it
their allegiance.

The Assembly, in June, elected Sullivan as a delegate to
the Continental Congress, and agent to establish their claim.
He was not in the State at the time of his election ; and when,
apprised of it, upon his return, the legislature bad already
adjourned. He declined to accept the appointment, and
stated his reasons to the Committee of Safety ; but they
urging the great injury the State would sustain should New
York prevail in the controversy, and the inconvenience and
expense of calling the Assembly together to fill his place, he
reluctantly consented. Neither his health nor affairs rendered
it prudent to undertake a journey of four hundred milesj —
substantially at his own charge, since the compensation allowed

would not defray the expenses of the road. Pew, if any, pub-

-■ ...

lie conveyances were on the route, and he would have to
depend upon his own horses. There was no alternative, how-
ever, and he felt constrained to go.

George Atkinson was his colleague, and their election was
for one year from the first of November, but they were au-
thorized to supply the place of either of the actual delegates
wishing to return home before the expiration of their term of

172 THE MILITABT SERVICES OF

service. On the 29th of August, the Committee of Safety,
convened at Exeter, informed Sullivan " that General Folsom
wished to retire, and requested him forthwith to proceed to
Congress, and act as agent for the State in the dispute be-
tween New Hampshire, New York, Vermont, and Massa-
chusetts Bay." He accordingly repaired to Philadelphia,
and, on the 11th of September, producing his credentials,
took his seat.

On the Thursday after his arrival, Congress gave a hearing
to the parties in the Vermont controversy, and this was fol-
lowed up by many more ; but no definite result was arrived
at till the 20th of August, 1781, as Sullivan was about re-
turning home. New York had sent special agents to argue
her claim, — able men, and among the most eminent lawyers of
the continent. The questions involved were complicated;
and Sullivan was obliged to acquaint himself with all the vari-
ous grants, discoveries, possessions, and claims, of the earli-
est grantees and proprietors, especially of those north of the
Hudson. Most of the titles asserted were by implication, or
by virtue of authority delegated by proclamations to royal
governors, who, having general powers to grant crown lands,
had conveyed to the settlers. These settlers had improved
and erected habitations, and, being in actual possession, had
rights to be respected.

Sullivan was left alone to oppose the pretensions of New
York, urged with all the zeal and eloquence of its able coun-
sel. He argued the case in its several stages nearly twenty
times ; and the result, if not all that New Hampshire claimed
as to jurisdiction, was more than she was entitled to, if re-
stricted by her patents. New York, to the prejudice of her
cause, insisted that the grants by New Hampshire were
invalid. The Green-Mountain Boys, as they were called,
a bold and warlike people, were not inclined to be peaceably
dispossessed, and some among them had opened negotiations
with the British authorities in Canada. The easiest solution

MAJOBpGENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 1.73

for the difficulty was to recognize Vermont as an independent
State. To this New Hampshire Vas willing to consent, if
claim were waived to fifty-four of her townships on the east
bank of the Connecticut and outside her limits of sixty miles
from the sea, the wish of some of whom to be consolidated
with the new State caused her alarm.

Congress applied to the several legislatures for authority
to adjust the dispute, and, when this was granted, after con-
ference with commissioners from Vermont, made a proposi-
tion sufficiently reasonable. A resolution was passed, that,
as a preliminary to recognition as a State, Vermont must
explicitly relinquish all pretensions to land or jurisdiction east
of the Connecticut, and west of a line drawn twenty miles
east of the Hudson, extended to Lake Champlain. This was
not at once received with favor. Contention and strife and a
war of legal process — on frequent occasions flaming into
barn-burning and personal violence — continued a few years
longer. But finally, in 1789, Vermont acquiesced in the set-
tlement proposed, and in 1791 was received as one of the
United States.

When Sullivan resumed his seat in Congress, after an inter-
val of five years, with the exception of Sam Adams and Roger
Sherman, very few remained of his former associates. Franklin
was in France ; John Adams, in Holland ; Hancock, Governor

' of Massachusetts; JeflFerson, of Virginia. In their stead
were many men of distinguished ability and character, among

' whom may be mentioned James Madison, Oliver Wolcott,
James Duane, Chancellor Livingston, Theodoric Bland, Dr.
Witherspoon, Dr. Boudinot ; and of his late brethren in arms,
Generals Ward, Cornell, Varnum, and MacDougal. Mr. Hun-
tington, of Connecticut, was President. The spirit of party
is said to have raged unusually high, — souring the temper of
the members towards each other, and essentially obstructing
the adoption of efficient measures for the public service. A
committee, who had been since April at headquarters, had

174 THE MILITABY 8ERVICBS OP

become unpopular, and been recalled. Prom their strenuous
endeavors to increase and' render more permanent the mili-
tary force, they were considered too strongly tinctured with
" army principles " imbibed in camp.

The prospect of a speedy termination of the war, in inde-
pendence, was suflSciently gloomy. On the 12th of Septem-
ber, the day after Sullivan took his seat, Washington wrote
the Count de Guichen, " The situation of America at this
time is critical. The Government is without finances. Its
paper credit is sunk, and no expedients can be adopted capar
ble of retrieving it. The resources of the country are much
diminished by a five years' war, in which it has made efforts
beyond its ability. Clinton, with an armv of ten thousand
regular troops, aided by a considerable bady of militia,—
whom, from motives of fear and attachment, he"* has engaged
to take arms, — is in possession of one of our CL\pital towns,
and a large part of the State to which it belongs, \ The sav-
ages are desolating the frontier. A fleet superior VjP that of
our allies not only protects the enemy against any aiitempts
of ours, but facilitates those which they may project ajjamst
us. Lord Cornwallis, with seven or eight thousand mt^n>i9
in complete possession of two States, — Georgia and SM^
Carolina, — and, by recent misfortunes, North Carolina i^^^
his mercy. His force is daily increasing, by an accession*
adherents whom his successes naturally procure in a countT
inhabited by emigrants from England and Scotland, who ha>'
not been long enough transplanted to exchange their ancier
habits and attachments to their new residence."

Gates had been defeated at Camden on the 16th of August
losing an army of four thousand men, composed largely o->
militia utterly inexperienced, and for the first time in battle
but opposed to a force inferior in number. The Northerr
army was much reduced, poorly clad, insuflSciently fed, ani
disaffected from arrearages of pay. What was also disheaij
ening, baseness — ever eager to desert in season a cai

MAJOBKJENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 175

beooming desperate — assumed, in this very month of Septem-
ber, its worst shape, in the treachery of Arnold. The aUiance
with France had as yet proved only a source of disappointed
expectation, — inducing exhausting eflForts without result,
and tending to delude and demoralize the native energies of
the people. Her fleet was blockaded in Newport. Sullivan
had, previous to the blockade, advised Washington that it
should repair to Boston, where it would have been sheltered
and safe ; and the large land force disembarked, and .employed
to menace New York, and deter Clinton from reinforcing the
!3ritish army at the South. Washington replied, that he had
himself advised the same course ; and says^ later, that, if it
had been adopted, two thousand men sent Cornwallis would
have been detained.

Without ascribing to any one individual the magical changes
produced in the financial and military departments of the
government during this second period of Sullivan's connec-
tion with Congress, he certainly was an active and influential
v^ member of the committees which shaped and organized the
\ reforms in administration that brought them about. He was
ardent and indefatigable, and, from having long held respon-
^,^ sible positions in the army, was able fully to apprehend what
were the mistakes and abuses most prejudicial to the cause,

quick to discern and devise the best methods to correct them.

ion ^

The journals are exceedingly meagre, and afibrd no direct

, ^ intimation of what part he took in the debates. But this

can in some measure be inferred from his frequent election

, on committees. He appears to have had imposed upon him

;. his full share of responsibility and labor. His appointment on

' ^' standing committees does not appear. He probably succeeded

, to the places vacated by Greneral Folsom, his predecessor.

His name is found upon many appointed for special purposes,

especially where the matter referred was connected with the

k army. Such matters, when simply administrative, went to

A the Board of War ; but most of Washington's communications.

176 THE MILITART SERVICES OP

proposing modifications and reforms in the service, were sent
to a committee of whicli he was a member. This committee
recommended the appointment of Greene to the Southern
army, in the place of Gates; projected an entire re-organization
of the army ; fixed the period of enlistment for the war; revised
the rules of promotion ; advised that half-pay for life should
be promised to all officers who served to the close of the war ;
proposed restriction of furloughs, better modes of exchang-
ing prisoners, the transfer to Congress of all purchases and
supplies of clothing. They reported, besides, regulations for
clothing the men in a neat, uniform, and comfortable manner.
These and many other similar recommendations were adopted
and carried out.

Prom his position on this committee, and long intimacy
with Washington, their correspondence was naturally re-
newed; and, on the 20th of November, 1780, Washington
wrote him as follows : —

You have obliged me very mach by your friendly letter, and I can
assure you that I shall be very happy in your correspondence. You
are too well acquainted with my course of business, to expect fi-equent
or long letters from me ; but I can truly say, that I shall write to no one
with more pleasure, when it is in my power to write at all, than to
you.

T'he determination of Congress to raise an army for the jw^ and
the honorable establishment on which the officers are placed, will, I am
persuaded, be productive of much good. Had the first method been
adopted four, or even three years ago, I have not the smallest doubt
in my mind but we should at this day have been sitting under our
own vines and fig-trees, in the full enjoyment of peace and indepen-
dence ; and I have as little doubt, that the value which I trust officers
will now set upon their commissions will prove the surest basis of public
economy. It was idle to expect, that men who were suffering every
species of present distress, with the prospect of inevitable ruin before
them, could bear to have the cord of discipline strained to its proper
tone ; and, where that is not the case, it is no difficult matter to form
an idea of the want of order, or to convince military men of its conse-
quent evils.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 177

It is to be lamented, that the call upon the States for specific sup-
plies should come at this late hour ; because it is much to be feared
that, before those at a distance can be furnished with the resolves and
make their arrangements, the season for salting provision will be irre-
trievably lost. And this leads me to a remark which I could wish
never to make, and which is, that the multiplicity of business in which
Congress are engaged will not let them extend that seasonable and
provident care to many matters which private convenience and public
economy indispensably call for. It proves, in my opinion, the evident
necessity of committing more of the executive business to small boards
or responsible characters, than is practised at present ; for I am well
convinced, that for want of system in the execution of business, and a
proper timing of things, our public expenditures are inconceivably
greater than they ought to be.

I will take the liberty to give it as my opinion, that a foreign loan
is indispensably necessary to the continuance of the war. Congress
will deceive themselves if they imagine that the army, or a State that
is the theatre of war, can rub through another campaign like the last.
It would be as unreasonable as to suppose that, because a man had
rolled a snow-ball till it had acquired the sisse of a horse, he might do
so till it was as Isirge as a house. Matters may be pushed to a certain
point, beyond which we cannot move them. Ten months' pay is now
due to the army. Every department of it is so much indebted, that
we have not credit for a single express ; and some of the States are
harassed and oppressed to a degree beyond bearing. To depend, under
these circumstances, upon the resources of the country, unassisted by
foreign loans, will, I am confident, be to lean upon a broken reed.

The situation of the Southern States is very embarrassing, and I
wish it were in my power to afford them relief in the way you have
mentioned; but it is not.

The very measure which you suggest I urged, as far as decency
and policy would permit me to do, at the interview at Hartford ; but to
no effect. I cannot be more particular on this subject, and what I now
say is in confidence. The report of Sir Henry Clinton's going to the
southward was groundless, and I believe few troops have left New
York since those under Leslie.

A few days later, on the 25th of November, he wrote intro-
ducing the Baron de Chastellux, whose interesting memoirs

178 . THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

afford mucli light as to the events and characters of the Rev-
olution : —

Dear Sir, — This letter will be presented to you by the Chevalier
de Chastellux, a major-general in the French service, a gentleman of
polite and easy manners, and of literary as well as military abilities.
I intended in my last, but, having spun my letter to an enormous
length, deferred it, to observe, that as Congress had made one or two
late promotions from brigadiers to major-generals, apparently on the
principle of a State proportion (which, by the way, if made a general
rule, I am persuaded will be found hurtful), an idea has occurred to
me, that possibly from the same principle, on a future occasion, one
might take place which would be particularly injurious. I mean with
respect to General Knox.

Generals Parsons and Clinton have been superseded by Smallwood.
Parsons is since restored to his rank. Knox now stands, after Clinton,
first on the list. If from the consideration I have mentioned, or from
his being at the head of the artillery, he should be overlooked, and a
younger officer preferred, he will undoubtedly quit the service ; and you
know his usefulness too well not to be convinced, that this would be an
injury difficult to be repaired. I do not know, all things considered,
who could replace him in his department. I am sure, if a question of
this kind should be agitated when you are present, this intimation
would be unnecessary to induce you to interpose ; but, lest you should
be absent at the time, I think it would be advisable to apprise' some
other members, in whom you have confidence, to guard against it.*

The month following his joining Congress, on motion of Mr.
Matthews, of South Carolina, seconded by himself, he was
chosen on a committee "to draft a letter to the States,
representing fully the present situation of our affairs, and
urging in the strongest terms the necessity of their con-

* In a letter to the President of Congress, dated the 26th of November, Gen-
eral Washington said : " The death of that useful and valuable officer, Mr. Er-
skine, geographer to the army, makes it requisite that a successor should be
appointed. I beg leave to recommend Mr. Simeon Dewitt. His being in the
department gives him a pretension, and his abilities are still better. From the
character Mr. Erskine always gave of him, and fi*om what I have seen of his
performances, he seems to be extremely well qualified." In compliance with
this recommendation, Mr. Dewitt was'appdnted geographer to the army.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 179

tributing effectual aid and support in order to extricate these
United States from impending danger, baflSe the designs of
the enemy, and conduct the war to a happy issue." Mr. Scott,
Henry, and IngersoU were also on the committee. It was
reported, recommitted, and adopted the 9th of November,
which date it bears'.

Of the tributes paid Rochambeau, Sumpter, Major Tall-
madge, Paul Jones for his capture of the " Serapis," and to
the memory of General Poor, of New Hampshire, recently
deceased, several were of his suggestion and probable
drafting. On his nomination, General Cornell was elected
a commissioner of the Board of War; MacDougal, Secretary
of Marine. When Henry Laurens, of South Carolina, formerly
President of Congress, was taken at sea, and imprisoned in
the Tower of London, on a charge of high treason, Sullivan
proposed that the " Alliance," at Boston, should be fitted out
to take to Europe Colonel John Laurens, — who had been
with him in Rhode Island, — on a private mission to the court
of Versailles, that he might be near, and render his father any
aid that was possible. Congress, in June, empowered Dr.
Franklin to offer General Burgoyne in exchange for Laurens ;
and when this was effected, the following year, Laurens pro-
ceeded to Paris, and signed the preliminaries of peace, as
one of the commissioners, — the others being Dr. Franklin,
John Adams, and John Jay. Colonel Laurens succeeded in
obtaining a loan of four miUions of dollars.

Before proceeding to glean more particularly from the
journals of Congress what is to be gathered of his services
in helping to re-organize the army and finances, allusion
should be made to the mutiny in the Pennsylvania line,
then commanded by Wayne, which broke out on the 1st of
January, 1781. They had become discontented from their
scanty subsistence and arrearages of pay, and aggrieved
that they were not discharged at the close of their three
years' service, according to what they insisted was the con-

180 THE HILITABY SERVICES OF

dition of their enlistment. When the intelligence reached
Congress, Sullivan, Dr. Witherspoon, and Mr. Matthews were
appointed a committee to confer thereon with President Beed,
the supreme executive of Pennsylvania. They immediately
proceeded to Trenton; and, on the 9th, Lafayette wrote
Sullivan as follows from Morristown : —

Deab Sm, — Agreeable to the desire of the Committee of Con-
gress, I delivered their message to General St. Clair, who had also
seen your President and that of the State, so that you will receive
from him long public letters which relate to the unhappy disturbances
in the Pennsylvania line. I shall only write you this private letter,
and let you know that the affair appears to be of a most serious
nature.

The establishment of a committee, and the organization of this
body of men, renders it impossible for us to address the bulk of the
soldiers ; and, a negotiation being set on foot by General Wayne, it
was thought better for us to take the advice of their leaders, who,
dreading either our number or our influence, determined that we
should not stay two hours more in the town. I think it is necessary
for the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey to provide for the exti-emi-
ties to which they will, I fear, be obliged to come. I am sorry to
find that the people, sensible of the sufferings of the army, hav€ not a
proper idea of the method these mutinous people have taken to obtain
redress. It seems that the soldiers expect a deputation from the
Assembly, but nothing from Congress, who, therefore, are not obliged
to commit themselves in any treaty. I am told General Washington
is coming this way, and shall therefore wait for his orders.

With the most perfect regard and affection, I have the honor to

be, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

Lafayette.

The following letter of Sullivan to the Minister of France,
giving an account of the outbreak and its suppression, ex-
plains the part taken by the committee of Congress of which
he acted as chairman. It has been said that more was conced-
ed than the circumstances demanded. Lenity is often the part
of prudence in dealing with large numbers of dissatisfied
soldiers, especially when they have reason for their ill-humor ;

MAJOE-QENEBAL JOHN SULLIYAN. 181

and Wayne writes, a little later, that after going home for a
while, as they claimed to be their right, they re-enlisted, and
the line was stronger than before.

Tebnton, Jan. 18, 1780.

Sir, — The dispute with the Pennsylvania line being happily ter-
minated, I take the liberty of giving your Excellency a short account
of the rise and progress of this unexpected and surprising revolt.
Many of the men were held by enlistments, which expressed the term
of service to be for three years, or during the war.

As the three years began to expire about the first of January, they
inquired of their officers whether they were to expect their discharges
at the end of that period. The officers, in general, supposed the term
of enlistment not to expire but with the war. This construction gave
them much uneasiness, which was increased by some arrearages of
pay, which they were to have received from the State, not being fur-
nished ; and, though the State had taken means for paying these
arrears, unfortunately the intelligence had not reached them previous
to the first of January. These were the real sources of the mutiny ;
for though there were some other grievances, common to the Ameri-
can as well as other armies, they never mentioned them as having
any weight in their proceedings. The two first affected a great part
of the divisions, who used every art to induce others to support them
in their intended revolt, which they were the more encouraged to
attempt, as they were sixty miles distant from the main army.

The affair was conducted with so much secrecy, that the officers
had not the most distant suspicion of it till the evening of the first of
January, when, hearing that the troops were in arms, they repaired
to the parade, and, not supposing it was general, exerted themselves to
quell the mutiny. The soldiers, in general, showed no disposition
to injure their officers ; though some, who were intoxicated with
liquor, discharged their muskets, killed one officer, and wounded three
or four.

Part of the divisions moved a few miles that evening, and the
remainder followed them the next morning, when the whole assumed
a military order, and marched without offering the least insult to the
inhabitants, except in one instance, for which the culprit was imme-
diately apprehended, and delivered over to the civil power. The
inhabitants say, that, on their whole march, the soldiers were never
suffered to enter their houses, even for water ; nor was any article

182 THE MILITABY SERVICES OF

taken from them during this march. Upon their taking post at Prince-
ton, it began to be suspected that their intention was to join the
enemy ; but they persevered in declaring their detestation of the
British, and their attachment to the cause of their country. They
said they were only seeking a redress of grievances, which when
obtained, they would cheerfully return to their duty ; and, if the
enemy appeared in the interim, they would fight them with despera-
tion.

This, however, was not fully credited, until they seized and
brought to General Wayne, who, with Colonel Butler and Stuart,
remained among them without command, two British emissaries from
Sir Henry Clinton, with a written invitation, promising them great
rewards if they would march to South River, about twenty miles
distant from Princeton, where he would cover them with a body of
British troops. The spies were delivered over to General Wayne,
and, after Governor Reed's arrival, to him ; but afterwards, at their
request, returned to them. The Board of Sergeants, who had as-
sumed the command, issued orders next morning, stating the facts,
and declaring that the Pennsylvania line despised a treachery and
meanness like that of Benedict Arnold ; that their views were honor-
able, and their attachment to the cause of their country unalterable ;
and that they were only seeking redress of grievances from men of
honor. When Governor Reed came to Princeton, they received him
with every mark of respect and esteem. They mentioned to him the
grounds of their complaints, which were principally the two first men-
tioned. He made them some proposals, and communicated others from
the Conamittee of Congress, which were readily accepted.

They were then requested to march to Trenton, which they agreed
to ; and delivered to the Committee of Congress the spies sent from
Sir Henry Clinton, who were tried by a board of officers, condemned,
and executed on the 11th inst.

The Committee of Congress have appointed commissioners to de-
termine respecting their enlistments, to discharge such as are entitled
thereto, and give them the necessary certificates. This seems to be
perfectly satisfactory to them ; and many of those discharged are now
offering to re-enlist, upon having a furlough for a short time. Thus,
sir, has this surprising affair been brought to a happy issue.

Perhaps history does not furnish an instance of so large a body of
troops revolting from the command of their officers, marching in such
exact order, without doing the least injury to inhabitants, and remain-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 183

ing in this situation for such a length of time, without division or con-
fusion among themselves, and then returning to their duty as soon as
their reasonable demands were complied with.

This conduct ought to convince the British how much they mistake
the, dispositions of the Americans at large, when they assert that they
would willingly join them, if not overawed by their tyrannic rulers.
Here was a large body, composed as well of foreigners as natives,
having no officers to command them, and no force to prevent them
from joining the enemy, for which they had repeated invitations ; yet,
though they well knew they were liable to the severest punishment for
their revolt, they disdained the British offers with a firmness that
would have done honor to the ancient Romans ; and, through the
whole, have shown the greatest respect to the Committee of Congress,
to the Governor and members of council from the State of Pennsylva-
nia, expressed the highest confidence of their civil rulers, and have
not, through the whole, deviated from that order and regularity which
on other occasions must have done honor to military discipline.

His Excellency the Minister of France.

P.S. One circumstance ought not to be omitted, which, in my
opinion, does the insurgents much honor. When they delivered up
the British emissaries. Governor Reed offered them a hundred golden
guineas, which they refused, saying that what they did was only a
duty they owed to their country, and that they neither wanted nor
would receive any reward but the approbation of that country for
which they had so often fought and bled.

Similar discontents broke out into open mutiny, a few
weeks later, in the Jersey line ; but the Government, from its
recent experiences, was better prepared to deal with it.
Washington had had time to ascertain the temper of his
other troops, and that he could depend upon them. He took
vigorous measures to check the insubordination before it
assumed formidable proportions, which proved effectual.

For the more efficient administration of the Government,
on motion of Mr. Livingston, of New York, a committee of
five had been appointed, in August, 1780, " for the revision
and new arrangement of the civil executive departments of
the United States under Congress*" They recommended, in

184 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Januarj, the ieippointment of secretaries of foreign affairs, of
war, of marine; and of a superintendent of finance. Sullivan
wrote Washington, to ascertain his views as to the selection
of Alexander Hamilton for the head of the financial depart-
ment ; a post which; ten years later, he filled in the Cabinet
of Washington, with resplendent ability. The reply of Wash-
ington from New Windsor; above West Point; dated 4th Feb-
ruary; 1781, discussed various other subjects of interest: —

Dear Sir, — Colonel Armand delivered me your favor last even-
ing, and I thank you for the several communications contained in it.
The measure adopted by Congress of appointing ministers of war,
finance, and for foreign affairs, I think a very wise one. To give effi-
cacy to it, proper characters will, no doubt, be chosen to conduct the
business of these departments. How far Colonel Hamilton, of whom
you ask my opinion as a financier, has turned his thoughts to that par-
ticular study, I am unable to answer, because I never entered upon a
discussion on this point with him. But this I can venture to advance,
from a thorough knowledge of him, that there are few men to be found,
of his age, who have a more general knowledge than he possesses ;
and none, whose soul is more firmly engaged in the cause, or who
exceeds him in probity or sterling virtue.

I am clearly in sentiment with you, that our cause became dis-
tressed, and apparently desperate, only from an improper management
of it ; and that errors once discovered are more than half mended. I
have no doubt of our abilities or resources, but we must not sleep nor
slumber ; they never will be drawn forth if we do ; nor will violent
exertions, which subside with the occasion, answer our purposes.

It is a provident foresight, a proper arrangement of business, system,
and order in the execution, that are to be productive of that economy,
which is to defeat the efforts and hopes of Great Britain ; and I am
happy, thrice happy, on private as well as public account, to find that
these are in train. For it will ease my shoulders of an immense bur-
then, which the deranged and perplexed situation of our affairs, and
the distresses of every department of the army, had placed upon them.
I am much pleased to hear that Maryland has acceded to the confeder-
ation, and that Virginia has relinquished her claim to the land west of
the Ohio, which, for fertility of soil, pleasantness of climate, and other
natural advantages, is equal to any known tract of country in the

MAJOR-GBNBBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 1&5

nnivei^e, of the same extent, taking the great lakes for its northern
boundary. ,

I wish most devoutly a happy completion of your plan of finance,
which you say is nearly iSnished, and much success to your scheme
of borrowing coined specie and plate. But in what manner do
you propose to" apply the latter ? As a fund to redeem its value in
paper to be emitted, or to coin it ? If the latter, it will be one more
added to a thousand reasons which might be offered in proof of the
necessity of vesting legislative or dictatorial powers in Congress, to
make laws of general utility for the purposes of war, that they might
prohibit, under the pains and penalty of death, specie and provisions
from going to the enemy for goods. The traffic with New York is
immense. Individual States will not make it felony, lest, among
other reasons, it should not become general ; and nothing short of it
will ever check, much less stop, a practice, which, at the same time it
serves to drain us of our provision and specie, removes the barrier
between us and the enemy, corrupts the morals of our people by a
lucrative traffic, weakens by degrees the opposition, and affords a
means for obtaining regular and perfect intelligence of every thing
among us, while even in this respect we derive no benefit from a fear
of discovery. Men of all descriptions are now indiscriminately engaging
in it, Whig and Tory speculators. On account of its being followed
by those of the latter class, in a manner with impunity, men who, two
or three years ago, would have shuddered at the idea of such connec-
tions, now pursue it with avidity, and reconcile it to themselves (in
which their profits plead powerfully), upon a principle of equality with
the Tory, who, knowing that a forfeiture of the goods to the informer
is all he has to dread, and that this is to be eluded by an agreement
not to inform against each other, goes into the measure without risk.

This is a digression ; but the subje(^t is of so serious a nature and so
interesting to our well-being as a nation, that I never expect to see a
happy termination of the war, nor great national concerns conducted
in peace, till there is something more than a recommendatory power in
Congress. It is not possible, in time of war, that business can be
conducted well without it. The last words, therefore, of my letter,
and the first wish of my heart, concur in favor of it.

In response to the passage in the foregoing letter relating

to the selection of a superintendent of finance, Sullivan says :

'^ I am glad to find that you. entertain the same sentiments of

186 THE MILITABT SEBYIGES OF

the virtues and abilities of Colonel Hamilton as I have ever
done myself. After I wrote, I found the eyes of Congress
turned upon Robert Morris as financier. I did not, therefore,
nominate Colonel Hamilton, as I foresaw it would be a vain
attempt." A few days later, Robert Morris was chosen with-
out a dissenting voice, although Samuel Adams and General
Ward, of the Massachusetts delegation, declined balloting.
The establishment of the departments was not without op-
position. A doubt existed as to the utility or expediency of
placing them under the charge of individuals.

M. de la Luzerne wrote Vergennes: "Divisions prevail
in Congress about the new mode of transacting business by
secretaries of different departments. Samuel Adams, whose
obstinate and resolute character was so useful to the Revo-
lution in its origin, but who shows himself very ill suited to
the conduct of affairs in an organized government, has placed
himself at the head of the advocates for the old system of com-
mittees of Congress, instead of relying on ministers or secre-
tariesj according to the new arrangement." Sullivan, in his
letter to Washington, says: " The choice of a minister of war
is postponed to the 1st of October. This was a manoeuvre
of Samuel Adams, and others from the North, fearing that, as
I was in nomination, the choice would fall on me, who, having
apostatized from the true New England faith by sometimes
voting with the Southern States, am not eligible. They were
not, however, acquainted with all the circumstances. I was
nominated against my will ; and, if chosen, should not have
accepted. General MacDougal is appointed minister of ma-
rine." Another reason may have operated for deferring the
election of a minister of war: the Board of War was filled
with able and influential men, amongst them Samuel Adams,
who did not wish to be displaced.

The vast disproportion in territorial area, and the claim- of
several of the States to extend indefinitely westward, under
their respective charters^ weighed, in Maryland, as an objection

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 187

to adopting the Articles of Confederation. Upon a communica-
tion from that State in September, Congress had advised the
several States to consider the propriety of relinquishing some
portion of their claims. They passed a resolution, in October,
that the land ceded should be disposed of for the general
benefit, and formed into distinct republican States, of areas
respectively of from one hundred to one hundred and fifty
miles square, to become members of the Federal Union, and
have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-
dence as the other States. Virginia had already ceded her
North-western territory, and New York now abandoned all
pretensions west of her present limits. This was not con-
summated before 1784; but, as soon as the preliminary steps
were taken, Maryland, on the 3d January, 1781, agreed to
ratify the Articles of Confederation. The whole subject was,
at the same time, referred to a committee, of which Sullivan
was a member ; and, on the 1st of March, the delegates of
Maryland subscribed the articles, and the union of the origi-
nal thirteen States, intended to be perpetual, was made com-
plete.

The most important service rendered by Sullivan to the cause
whilst a member at this time of the Congress, was that allud-
ed to in the foregoing letter of Washington, — a thorough
reform of the finances. At his suggestion, a committee of
five, consisting of himself as chairman, and Bland, Matthews,
Clarke, and Matlack, — Clymer being afterwards substituted
in the place of the latter, — was appointed " to prepare, and
lay before Congress, a plan for arranging the finances, paying
the debts, and economizing the revenue of the United States."
They made various reports, which were long under debate,
and their recommendations were generally accepted. The
old Continental currency, amounting to one hundred and sixty
millions, had depreciated, until seventy dollars were worth less
than one in specie. They determined upon a nearer return
to specie basis, establishiiig rates of depreciation for what-

188 THE MILITABT SERVICES Of

eyer paper issues had been made. They urged measures for
gathering in the old Continental bills in exchange for the
new emission, forty for one ; and most of them were either
redeemed and destroyed , or disappeared from circulation.
Their proposition, that six millions, in proximate equivalents
to specie in the new emission, should be apportioned among
the several States, to be paid in quarterly instalments, was
adopted ; and the delicate responsibility of apportionment
was devolved on a committee of which Sullivan was chair-
man.

They also recommended an application to the States to
n^ake the new issue legal tender at its current value, and for
power to impose a duty of five per cent on imports, to pay
the public debt and interest. In April, 1781, an act of New
Hampshire, authorizing such impost within its borders, ob-
tained through the influence of Sullivan, was laid before
Congress. The proceeds of the public lands were also pledged
for the same purpose. An efficient system of auditing claims
was devised, to prevent frauds and unreasonable exactions in
the military service.

But time was needed to perfect these measures, and realize
their fruits. Meanwhile, its treasury and credit alike ex-
hausted, Congress possessed no means to defray ordinary
expenses, much less supply the sinews of war. Coin had
abandoned a country where it had ceased to be regarded as a
circulating medium ; and yet, in purchasing munitions from
abroad, and for some other objects, a certain amount was in-
dispensable. Its presence, even in small quantities, would
serve as a standard to fathom the abyss into which the federal
credit was sinking. It was for these purposes, and not from
any sanguine expectation of restoring the currency to a solid
basis, — one hardly to be sustained by the most opulent nations
in a protracted war, — that an effort was now made, as intimated
in the foregoing correspondence, to collect, for the use of the
Government, some portion of the gold and silver remaining in
the possession of individuals.

MAJORrGENBRAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 189

Confiding in the good sense of their countrymen to per-
ceive that the crisis demanded extraordinary sacrifices, and
perhaps reminded by their chairman of the generous appli-
cation by Langdon of his gold and merchandise, to fit out
Stark for Bennington, — a proximate cause of the victory of
Saratoga, — associations were proposed in the several States,
to encourage the deposit, in the treasury, of gold and silver
plate and other articles, except watches, the place of which
could be supplied by substitutes of iron, earthenware, or glass.
Certificates for their value, bearing interest, together with a
premium, were to be given in exchange. The associations
were to be under obligation to sustain their credit, and dis-
countenance and disclose every attempt, either of secret or
open enemies, to depreciate their value.

This proposed form of association is followed in the Sulli-
van manuscripts by a plan for a Federal Bank, to be established
by Congress. It is of too great length for insertion, but con-
tains suggestions which might be useful in the existing
condition of our currency. It is substantially the same as
that adopted by Congress, and put in operation the following
January, in the Bank of North America, which fully answered
even the seemingly extravagant anticipations of those who
projected it. The fifth section provided that the gold and
silver collected in the country should be coined ; the silver
pieces to be of six shillings, three shillings, one and sixpence,
ninepence, and fourpence halfpenny, — terms attaching, down
to within a very recent period, to American coins and cur-
rency.

. It is not pretended that Sullivan is entitled to the exclusive
merit of either the measures proposed or adopted. He origi-
nated the committee, was its chairman, and his papers show
that he took a leading part in maturing and bringing about
these excellent measures. One of the early fruits of the
system, now methodized, was the fitting-out of the ship-of-
war " America," then on the stocks at Portsmouth, which was,
on his motion, completed and put afloat.

190 THE MILITARY BEBYICES OT

It is certainly not designed to imitate that grave defect in
Revolutionary biography, which arrogates to one, merit that
belongs to many. Such a revolution could only be sustained,
and carried to successful issue, by numerous men of noble pur^
pose and marked ability, in the field and cabinet. Their ele-
vated nature is wholly inconsistent with that pious zeal in
their descendants, which heaps their altars at the cost of their
associates. There is glory enough for them all; and the
country must lose its best guarantee for its liberties when
the foul breath of detraction dims the lustre of their example.
All through the war, patriotic statesmen were indefatigable
in devising methods to make it a success. But as the army
was in rags, and for days with only such food as they could
forage from an exhausted country ; as credit was sunk beneath
the weight of two hundred millions of dollars of federal debt,
besides nearly as much more of the separate debts of the
States ; and that particular year that Sullivan was in Con-
gress brought about so many important measures, emanating
from committees of which he was a member, — he is justly
entitled to some credit, where they proved effectual.

These reforms, whoever suggested or shaped them, or in-
duced their adoption, infused new life and vigor throughout
every department of the Government. They made hopeful
a cause which, for supineness and discouragement, had well
nigh been lost. The effect for good was instantaneous.
Maryland adopted the Articles of Confederation. Greene's
masterly campaigns at the South ; Washington's able combi-
nations, which entrapped Cornwallis on the Peninsula, and,
with the help of Bochambeau, compelled him, with seventy-
two hundred men, to surrender at Yorktown, October, 1781,
— virtually ended the war. It led, the following winter, to a
resolution on Conway's motion in Parliament, " that, in the
opinion of the House, the further prosecution of offensive war
in America would, under present circumstances, be the means
of weakening the efforts of the country against her European

MAJOR-GENEBAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 191

enemies, and tend to increase the mutual enmity, so fatal to
the interests both of Great Britain and America." Imme-
diate steps were taken for a pacification, delayed, by the
objection on the part of Mr. Jay to treat except on the basis
of the recognized sovereignty of the several States, nntil the
fall of 1782, when the preliminaries of peace were signed.

Thomas Burke, of North Carolina, who originated the accu-
sations against Sullivan, for not having, with four thousand
men, defeated ten thousand, at the Brandywine, in 1777, was
still in Congress. It will be remembered, .that when these
charges were investigated, soon after the battle, he stood
nearly alone in opposition, which pronounced these charges
groundless. The correspondence between them had been
acrimonious. ^ Burke was not in Philadelphia when Sullivan
took his seat, but made his appearance on the 15th of Decem-
ber. As Congress consisted of less than thirty members, and
both of them were occasionally elected on the same commit-
tees, their intercourse was somewhat embarrassing. Sullivan
was too magnanimous to harbor resentment, too conscientious
to allow private feud to interfere with public duty. General
MacDougal, his firm friend from before the war, was also a
member for a special purpose, — the relinquishment of the
New-York claims. At the suggestion of other gentlemen,
mutual friends of both parties, he undertook to accommodate
the subsisting differences between them, and bring about a
reconciliation. This was happily accomplished. Burke de-
clared that his opinion of General Sullivan had undergone a
material change, and the latter withdrew the offensive ex-
preasions provoked by injustice. A letter from MacDougal
describes the final pacification, and expresses his sense of the
propriety of Sullivan's conduct throughout the transaction.

A report, made by Dr. Boudinot, on the 3d of August,
may well have emanated from some suggestion of his. It was
an earnest remonstrance against cruelties practised in the
British prison*ship8. Not long before, Daniel, the brother of

192 TH£ MILITARY SERYICfiS OP

General Sullivan, had perished one of the victims. He had
been active in getting up the attack on Castine in the summer
of 1779 ; and the following winter, in February, a British frigate,
commanded by Mowatt, was sent to Sullivan, on Frenchman's
Bay, in Maine, where he resided, to 8ei25e him. A party landed
at night, turned his wife and children out into the snow, burnt
his dwelling, and, having first endeavored to persuade him to
take the oath of allegiance, carried him to New York. He was
imprisoned in the Jersey hulk. Disease, contracted from the
frightful impurities, starvation, and neglect, terminated his
existence, as he was on his way home.

Soon after Sullivan joined the Congress, he addressed to
that body a communication praying to be allowed for the
depreciation of the bills in which his allowance as a major-
general — one hundred and sixty dollars each month — had
been paid him. At seventy for one, the amount realized was
inconsiderable. He also requested reimbursement of moneys
expended in the service. The committee, to whom his letters
were referred, reported in favor of both requests. But Con-
gress, while voting fifteen hundred dollars in specie to reim-
burse him, declined to allow the depreciation, as it would
open the door to similar claims from all others who had quitted
the army. After the peace, in 1787, such an order was passed,
allowing him forty-three hundred dollars for this depreciation,
to be paid in the first instance by New Hampshire.

Sullivan, having now been a year absent from home, took
his leave of Congress in August, and returned to his resi-
dence at Durham. The journal that announces his arrival,
with commendations^ in no stinted phrase, on his services,
likewise mentions that, at the same time, of Commodore Paul
Jones from Philadelphia. He had been appointed to the charge
of the seventy-four^gun ship building at Portsmouth, which
Congress, on Sullivan's motion^ had ordered to be set afloat.

Sullivan resumed his professional employments, and wa»
soon afterwards appointed Attorney-General of New Hamp*

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULUYAN. 193^

shire ; an office held later, for many years, by his son George,
whose eloquence and noble character are still held in hon-
ored remembrance in the State. George Sullivan was one
of its leading lawyers when Daniel Webster and Jeremiah
Mason were his competitors. He served, with distinction,
in Congress in the war of 1812, and died in 1838. John,
son of George, was also for many years, and to his death in
1860, Attorney-General ; the office having been filled, by the
three generations, at different periods, nearly half a century.
Of John, it was said, when his professional brethren were
lamenting his loss, and paying the customary tribute to his
memory, "that, eloquent as were they who had made the
name of Sullivan illustrious before him, no forensic effort of
theirs ever surpassed, in force and beauty, the arguments
of him whose voice had been so recently hushed for ever."
James, the brother of General Sullivan, was Attorney-General
of Massachusetts from 1790 to 1807, when he was elected
to its chief magistracy.

It was the duty of General Sullivan, as Attorney-General,
to attend the sessions of the Superior Court in the several
counties ; and the following incidents are related, in the Life
of Governor Plumer, as occurring, on such an occasion, in the^
county of Cheshire. The towns along the Connecticut were
still harassed by a double jurisdiction ; their inhabitants, in
some instances, being nearly equally divided in their alle-^
giance.

" In October, 1782, as the judges of the Superior Court,
accompanied by Sullivan, then Attorney-General, were ap-
proaching the town of Keene, where the general uneasiness
was augmented by the controversy with Vermont, they were
informed, that the village was full of people, whose object was
to compel the court to adjourn without trying any cases.

" On the receipt of the information, the cavalcade halted in

a small wood, to consult as to the course proper to be adopted

in this emergency; and the result was, that Sullivan under^

194 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

took to get the court, with as little loss of dignity as might
be, out of the hands of the mob, who, if resolute, must, it was
foreseen, have very much their own way, as the court had no
armed force at its command, and the posse comitatus would in
vain have been called to their aid, in the then excited state
of the public mind. Taking from the portmanteau of his
servant his uniform as a general officer, which it seems he had
with him, General Sullivan mounted the powerful gray horse
which he usually rode, and, preceding the court, conducted
them into the town. A portion of the better-disposed inhabi-
tants had come out in the saddle to meet them. These he
ordered to fall in, two and two, behind the court; Arthur
Livermore, then a youth of sixteen, acting as his volunteer
aid on the occasion. The grounds surrounding the court-
house were filled with men, many of them armed, who, though
giving way to the court as they entered, were sullen in their
aspect, and resolute in their purpose to prevent the trans-
action of business. The judges having taken their seats, the
court was opened, in due form, by the crier, while the crowd
rushed tumultuously in, and filled the house.

" In the mean time, Sullivan, who was a man of fine personal
appearance, dignified aspect, and commanding deportment,
was seen standing erect in the clerk's desk, surveying the
crowd calmly, but resolutely. In it were many who had
recently served under him in the war. Turning slowly from
side to side, he recognized among them, here perhaps an
officer, and there a soldier ; and returned, with a slight nod
or motion of the hand, their respectful salutations. This
mutual survey and recognition continued for some time,
amidst the profound silence of all around ; while the instinct
of obedience was working strongly in the mass, who felt the
presence, and involuntarily obeyed the motions, of their old
commander. Slowly, and with composure, he now took off
his cocked hat, disclosing a profusion of white powdered
hair, and laid it deliberately on the table. Looking round

MAJOEpGENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 195

again with an air of authority, .he next unbelted the long
staff-like sword from his side, and laid it by the h^-t. Per-
ceiving, at this moment, some stir in the crowd, he hastily
resumed the sword, drew the blade half-way from the scab-
bard, as if for immediate use, and then replaced it deliberately
on the table- All eyes were now fixed intently on him, as he
addressed the assembly, and demanded of them why they had
come in this tumultuous manner before the court.

" A cry at once arose, ' The petition I the petition ! ' and a
committee stepped forward with a huge roll of paper, which
they were about to present, when Sullivan told them, if they
had any thing to offer to the court, he would lay it before them.
He accordingly received it, and, after looking it over, pre-
sented it to the court, saying, that it contained matter of grave
import, which he recommended to their Honors' careful consid-
eration. The court ordered it to be read by the clerk, and
Sullivan then addressed the people, courteously but firmly, on
the impropriety of any attempt to influence, even by the ap-
pearance of violence, the deliberations of that high tribunal ;
and, telling them that their petition would in due time be
considered by the court, he directed them to withdraw. Some
hesitation being at first shown, he repeated more sternly,
and with a repellant gesture, the command to withdraw,
which was obeyed, though not without some reluctance
among the leaders. The court then adjourned to the next
day, in the hope that the mob would leave the town. In the
afternoon, Sullivan addressed them on the subject of their
complaints, and advised them to return to their homes.

" On the opening of the court, on the next morning, the
house was full of people impatient for the expected answer
to their petition. Sullivan, now in his citizen's dress, rose,
and, with mingled grace and dignity, said, that he was in-
structed by the court to inform them, that, finding that they
should not be able to .go through with the very heavy civil
docket before them in the short time which they could alone

196 THE UILITABY SEBYICES OP.

devote to it before going to another county, they wonld con-
tinue all causes in which either party was not ready for a
trial.

" On . receiving this announcement, the people withdrew,
amidst loud shouts of 'Hurrah for General Sullivan 1' with
here and there a faint cheer for the court, which seemed, on
this occasion, to act quite a subordinate part in the scene.
The mob thus carried, in effect, their main point, — that of
postponing the transaction of business; but the presence
of mind and authority of the Attorney-General prevented
their breaking out in open violence, and saved the court from
any personal indignity.

" I received the above account from Mr. Webster, a short
time before his death ; when, though occupied with current
events, he seemed to have lost none of his interest in the
past. He added, ' Put this into your book: it will show the
character of the times, and the kind of men your father had
to deal with.^ I repeated the story, soon after, to Judge
Livermore, who supplied the part relating to himself; and
seemed inclined to give less prominence to Sullivan, and
more to the court, than Webster had done. He retained,
however, in extreme old age, a lively recollection of his
youthful adventure, and of the skill and eloquence of Sulli-
van. 'I thought,' he said, 'if I could only look and talk
like that man, I should want nothing higher or better in this
world.' "

Three of the boldest of the ringleaders were arrested, and
"bound over to the next session of the court in October. This
increased the ferment, and two hundred men formed an armed
association to prevent the court being held. On the first
morning of the session, a petition was presented to the judges
<^ that the court might be adjourned ; and that no judicial
proceedings might be had whilst the troubles in which the
country had been involved still subsisted." The petitioners
were told the judges could come to no decision but in open

MAJOB-GENERAL JOHN SULLITAN. 197

court. When the court was opened, their petition was pub-
licly read, and its consideration postponed to the following
day. The court proceeded with its business, and the grand
jury was impanelled. The doors of the house where they
met were kept open, whilst Sullivan, as Attorney-General,
laid before them the case of the rioters, against whom a bill
was found. Arraigned, they pleaded guilty, and cast them-
selves on the mercy of the court, which remitted their pun-
ishment on condition of their future peaceable behavior.
This well-judged combination of firmness and lenity, says
Belknap, from whom we borrow the incident, disarmed the
insurgents, and they quietly dispersed. Prom that time the
spirit of opposition to government in that quarter gradually
abated; and the people returned to their connection with
New Hampshire.

In the spring of 1783, peace brought independence. . If the
eight years the war had lasted had been fruitful in feuds and
rivalries, common dangers and sacrifices inspired, in the gen-
erous, sentiments of fellowship, — friendships to endure for
life. At the moment of separation, when the objects for which
they had so long been contending were accomplished, from a
sense of the propriety of perpetuating these hallowed associa-
tions, it was determined to organize the Society of Cincinnati.
To give it a permanence beyond the generation who served
in the war, the privilege of membership was extended to
lineal representatives, or, in case of their failing, to collater-
als. The idea is said to have originated with General Knox,
than whom no general of the Revolution seems to have been
more universally popular. Washington, Steuben, and others
favored it. In the sensitive jealousy that prevailed against
orders of nobility, the society was, by a few, deemed repug-
nant to those principles of equality which should be cherished
under republics. But this prejudice wore away, and it is now
an honored institution in many States. Steuben, in July,
1783, thus brings the subject to the notice of Sullivan:. —

198 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

I have the honor, as president of a convention for establishing the
Society of the Cincinnati, to present you with a plan of its formation,
together with several resolutions which have taken place relative
to it.

The principles on which the society is founded will, I hope, meet
your approbation, and engage you to become one of its members and
supporters. Not only your character and station in civil life, but the
superior rank you held in the army of the United States, point you
out as the most proper person in the State of New Hampshire to
whom the forming a society in that State can be committed.

Your friendship for the officers of the American army, with whom
you were so long connected, induces me to believe you will embrace
with pleasure the opportunity of joining them in an institution, the
chief motive of which is to perpetuate that virtuous affection which,
in so exemplary a manner, existed among them while in arms for the
defence of their country.

At a meeting in November, at the house of Colonel Samuel
Polsom, at Exeter, the State branch of the society was formed.
General Sullivan was chosen its president; Colonel Dear-
born, vice-president ; Eben Sullivan, secretary ; Colonel Cilley,
treasurer ; and Captain Cass, his assistant. All persons who
had served three years in the army or navy werp invited to
sign the covenants and become members.

The State constitution, adopted in 1776, was provisional
for the war, — not designed to endure longer. Several
attempts were made in New Hampshire, as in Massachusetts,
to agree upon a form that should be permanent. The latter
State had established a government which, with slight modi-
fications, still subsists as originally framed. New Hampshire,
in 1779, had engaged in the same task ; but, when completed,
the result was so defective, that it was rejected when sub-
mitted to the people. Another convention, which held nine
sessions, was for two years employed in the work, but long
with no better success. When Sullivan returned from Con-
gress, the convehtion was completing a draft, substantially
the same as that adopted by Massachusetts in 1779, but with
some modifications, to be submitted to popular vote in Janu-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 199

ary. Prefixed to the printed draft was an able address. Ob-
jections prevailed to features of the plan, and it was rejected.

In August, 1782, another effort was made to meet public
sentiment ; and a modified plan, with the same address varied
in a few passages, was ordered to be circulated, that the dif-
ferent towns might make their objections. Sullivan acted as
Secretary; and the address is attributed both to him and
Jonathan M. Sewall, who had preceded him in that oflSce.
Numerous alterations were proposed in the constitution sub-
mitted; and it was not finally perfected, to conform to the
views of the people, before the fall of 1783. It went into
operation in June, 1784. What part General Sullivan took
in the work can only be inferred from his energy and influ-
ence, the interest he had always manifested in the subject.
Tradition gives him credit for having been useful in its prep-
aration, and also in securing its adoption.

One proposed innovation was, that the representatives
should be chosen by conventions, not directly by the people.
The effect would have been to legalize the primary meetings
for selection, — all parties, however, being represented in the
conventions. This and other points, about which existed
differences of opinion, were canvassed in the public prints,
over different signatures, with much ability. Some of these
signatures were aflSxed, on other occasions, by Sullivan to his
contributions, and his busy pen can be traced, by other indi-
cations, throughout the discussion.

Upon the organization of the State government under its
new constitution, in June, 1784, Meshech Weare, who, as
president of the Council, chairman of the Committee of Safety,
and Chief-Justice, had been virtually the head of the State
from the outbreak of the war, was elected President. From
his long service and exemplary character, this title had be-
come endeared to the people, and ten years passed before
they were content to relinquish it for the more usual desig-
nation of Governor. Weare, when chosen, had already begun

200 THB MILITABY SEBVICBS OF

to experience the symptoms of a strong man failing, having
lived more than his threescore years and ten, forty-five of
which had been spent in public employments. He resigned
towards the close of his term, and died two years later. Ac-
cording to Jeremy Belknap, the historian of New Hamp-
shire, *' though not a person of original or inventive genins,
he had a clear discernment, extensive knowledge, accurate
judgment, a calm temper, modest deportment, an upright and
benevolent heart, and a habit of prudence and diligence in
discharging the various duties of public and private life."

John Langdon followed him, — a man of pleasing address,
noble presence, and large estate, — who served for several
terms, at. intervals, as Governor, and who, as member of the
Senate from New Hampshire at the first Congress, presided
over that body in 1789, when the present Federal Govern-
ment was organized. Both in 1784 and 1785, Sullivan was
in nomination for the Presidency, and the vote cast in Dur-
ham, where he resided, indicates his popularity amongst his
own townsmen. They gave him in the former year all but
six votes ; in the latter, all but three ; and, in 1786, when
the successful candidate, the whole number cast, — two hun-
dred and twenty-two. He was elected, in 1784, to the Coun-
cil, and continued at the head of the military department.

Political opinions under free institutions are rather passions
than principles ; and whilst self-government continued a nov-
elty, party spirit ran high. Whatever the question at issue,
measures or men, either side strove with like zeal for the
mastery. Personages of ability abounded in the State, popu-
lar favorites, eager for distinction. Their respective friendd
and followers labored to promote their preferment ; lauding
their favorites and decrying their antagonists with quite as
much zeal as scruple. Less rancor and personality, however,
were indulged than in other States, perhaps for the reason
there were fewer journals. But with the Athertons, Atkin-
sons, Gilmores, Livermores, and Langdons ; Bartlett, Folsom^

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 201

Dudley, Long, Pickering, Peabody, Whipple, the Wentworths,
and many more contending for public honors, competition at
times became animated, was often inflamed and imbittered.

As Attorney-General, it had become the duty of Sullivan to
enforce the laws against refugee loyalists. John Pickering,
afterwards Chief-Justice, and Woodbury Langdon reproached
him in the " Gazette " for unseasonable lenity in their favor,
whilst veterans from the war were in want. Since 1765, he had
been the counsel of Colonel Boyd, a wealthy merchant, who,
at the commencement of hostilities, went to Europe to
take care of property there, and did not return. His wife
and children had remained, and he had shown, in England,
much kindness to American prisoners. When Sullivan re-
ceived the appointment, he declined to accept it, lest its
duties should interfere with his obligations to his clients.
The Council agreed to exonerate him from official functions
affecting his subsisting engagements, and he then consented.
Chief-Justice Livermore and others, in reply to his assailants,
certified that his conduct throughout the transaction was
scrupulously honorable, loyal alike to his clients and the
State. In his own justification to the people of New Hamp-
shire, he referred to the treaty of peace, which provided that
Congress should urge upon the States the passage of bills of
amnesty and oblivion in favor of the loyalists. This policy
was generally adopted. Indeed, throughout the war, extreme
tenderness had been exhibited in all the States towards those
who, from conscientious motives, sided with the Crown. In
New Hampshire, seventy-five prominent individuals were
placed upon the list of the proscribed. But few estates were
actually sequestered, and of these a small portion confiscated.
The whole amount realized by forfeitures was inconsiderable ;
and out of this the debts due by the loyalists were paid before
the residue was applied to public uses.

Convinced from the lessons of experience that a people
must not only be virtuous, enlightened, and brave, but accus-

202 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

tomed to the use of arms, would they preserve their liberties,
General Sullivan, from the close of the war, had exerted his
influence to keep alive a military spirit. As a large portion
of the adult population had been in the armies of the Revolu-
tion, this was more easily accomplished. Appointed Major-
General, he had, with the assistance of a committee of the
Legislature, in 1783, organized the twenty thousand men of
military age, into from twenty to thirty regiments, — infantry,
cavalry, and artillery, — and was indefatigable in bringing
them into a good state of order and discipline ; in perfecting
them in their drill and evolutions. In February, 1785, he
addressed to the freemen of New Hampshire two able com-
munications on this subject, embracing incidentally other
topics fraught with important consequences to their prosper-
ity. Indeed, many reasons existed at the period why the
States should not allow their arms to grow rusty.

England was exhausted by her late efforts, and not disposed
to renew hostilities. But there were points of controversy
which might at any time embroil us in war. Contrary to her
treaty stipulations, she retained fortresses on the frontiers
she had agreed to surrender. Weak in numbers, with a vast
expanse of territory to defend, and no reliable elements of
consolidation, America lay at the mercy of foreign powers.
Discontents in Massachusetts, that were shortly to betray
Shays and his misguided followers into open resistance to
authority, were rife in various portions of the country. Ver-
mont acknowledged no fealty to Congress. She was under
no obligation not to return to British rule. Should recourse
be had to the arbitrament of arms. New Hampshire was a
border State, and might, unless on her guard, be taken at
disadvantage. These considerations counselled preparation
and encouragement of that loyalty to government apt to be
engendered by bearing arms in her service.

He was aided in his efforts by Dr. Nathaniel Peabody, emi-
nent in his own profession and in public affairs, and who

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 203

attached the same importance as Sullivan to proficiency in
arms as an element of national strength and security. His
special charge was the cavalry, being appointed general of
the horse. Tlie frequent general orders in the journals ex-
hibit the attention paid to every detail, and their pains were
amply repaid. According to contemporary writers, all ages
and ranks caught the infection, and displayed the utmost
alacrity and ardor in accomplishing themselves for their du-
ties. In the absence of other arrangements or objects to
bring the people together, the field-days were festal occa-
sions, and they flocked in from long distances to witness the
movements, which closed with spirited repetitions of histori-
cal battles. Disorderly conduct or intemperance was of the
rarest occurrence, and this is made subject of comment both
in the general orders and public prints.

Arms of the same description and size were readily pro-
cured, as many remained from the war, in a good state of
preservation. But it was more difficult to induce an unpaid
soldiery to adopt uniformity of dress. This Sullivan earnestly
urged, and with a success beyond expectation. In the ad-
dresses already mentioned, he proposed that the regiments
should wear uniforms of home-made cloths, in order to
encourage the agricultural and manufacturing industry of the
State. At the reviews in 1786, most of them appeared in
woollen garments of uniform shape and color, the material of
which was raised and woven on their farms. Where such
cloths were not to be obtained, at his suggestion rifle shirts
were worn, of linen, of which large quantities were then
made at Londonderry and neighboring towns, settled by
Scotch-Irish, from flax they grew and spun. These shirts
were bound and trimmed with ribbons to correspond in color
with the facings of the several regiments.

The attention of General Sullivan had been early directed
to the advantages possessed by New Hampshire for growing
and manufacturing wool. Although engrossed in his profesr

204 THE MILITABT SERVICES OF

sional duties, he had established at Packer's Falls, a few miles
from his dwelling at Durham, fulling as well as grist and saw.
mills. Cloths were then made both of linen and woollen by
hand-looms, and cotton was not known. It was at that period,
as now, the mistaken policy of England to discourage useful arts
in her dependencies. But when emancipated from this colonial
thraldom, the new States proceeded at once to improve the
field. Many articles previously imported were made at home.
During the six years that intervened between the peace and
the organization of the Federal Government, this was a frequent
subject of discourse with Sullivan in his contributions to the
press. When inaugurated President, he was attired in gar-
ments of which the materials were raised, woven, and dyed
on his own estate. His zeal was further exemplified by his
importing skilled artisans from France ; and he seems to have
had a prophetic sense that his neighborhood was to become
one of the busiest manufacturing centres of the world.

When the time approached for the annual election, in 1785,
he was regarded as an eligible candidate, and put in nomina-
tion. His friends, among his claims for the Presidency, urged
that he had, at the earliest period of the contest, asserted the
rights of his country with perseverance and unremitting
ardor, regardless of personal consequences ; in the darkest
times, redoubling his exertions instead of relaxing them, giving
life and vigor to our laws and operations ; and been greatly
instrumental in relieving the public credit, on which the polit-
ical safety depended. His independent fortune, experience in
political affairs, extensive correspondence abroad, — abilities
that would give energy to the wheels of government, — should
make him the choice of every freeman. Uniting to the virtues
of a citizen the accomplishments of a soldier, his acquaintance
with mankind and complete knowledge of the laws, would
enable him to support the first office in the State with becom-
ing dignity ; the laws would be duly administered ; the militia
trained to arms and evolutions ; the State made respectable at
home, and reverenced abroad.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 205

His principal competitor, John Langdon, was justly popular
from his character and talents. He, moreover, was pos-
sessed of great wealth, and exercised the most generous
hospitalities in the commercial and social capital. His
brother Woodbury Langdon and John Pickering zealously
promoted his election. They assailed, with the greater acri-
mony, General Sullivan, that bis friends had reproached
Langdon with lukewarmness in the cause of independence,
and, besides, with having repaired to England in 1775, and
returned to New York in a British frigate. Sullivan, as was
his wont, when attacked, vindicated himself with warmth and
vigor, and, in an appeal to "the Impartial Public," thus
proved the charges groundless : —

Although I have no desire to satisfy, or even to answer, a writer
who has endeavored to wound my reputation by a publication in the
"New-Hampshire Mercury" of the 19th ultimo, yet, as I am con-
scious of having acted with uprightness in every part of my political
conduct, I shall, for your satisfaction, answer the three charges
which his malice has suggested, and which his knowledge of their
falsity has prevented being signed by his proper name.

Jhe first charge is, obtaining a considerable sum from Congress by
false representations reispecting the taking powder from Fort William
and Mary ; secondly, giving up the fishing-ground ; and, thirdly,
receiving a bribe in my office of Attorney-General, which prevented
my complying with my duty in endeavoring to confiscate a valuable
estate ; by which, I suppose, he means Colonel Boyd's.

To answer the first, it will be necessary to relate the manner of
taking the stores from the fort. When I returned from Congress, in
1774, and saw the order of the British King and Council, prohibiting
military stores being sent to this country, I took the alarm, clearly
perceived the designs of the British ministry, and wrote several pieces
upon the necessity of securing military stores ; which pieces were
published in several papers.

On the 18th of December, some gentlemen belonging to Ports-
mouth went to the fort and took sundry barrels of powder, and sent,
in a gondola, one hundred and ten barrels into my care ; which my-
self and others deposited in places of security. The next day a report
was spread that two vessels of war were coming from Boston to take
possession of the fort and harbor.

206 THE MILITABY SERVICES OP

I went down with a large number of men, and, in the night follow-
ing, went in person with gondolas, took possession of the fort, brought
away the remainder of the powder, the small arms, bayonets, and
cartouch-boxes, together with the cannon and ordnance stores ; wrs
out all night, and returned to Portsmouth next day. I might here
add that I bore the expense of all the party. These gondolas, with
the stores, were brought to Durham, after several days spent in cut-
ting the ice ; Durham River being then frozen over. The cannon
and other articles were then deposited in places of security.

These are facts known to almost every person in the State and to
all who were concerned, that almost the whole expense was borne by
me, notwithstanding which I never applied for a single farthing to
Congress, or any other body, for this service ; and when a committee
of Congress, who were appointed to report what was due for my
allowance in separate departments when I commanded, reported one
hundred dollars for this service, I warmly opposed it, and told Con-
gress I never expected or desired a single farthing for it. For the
truth of this I appeal to the Hon. Judge Livermore, who was with
me in Congress at the time, and knows every fact relating to it. He
is now on the circuit through the State ; consequently any gentleman
may satisfy himself, by asking him, whether these facts are true or
false.

But to prove whether Congress have been generous to me in their
grants, I beg leave to mention that, by a resolve of Congress of the
15th of June, 1775, general officers in separate departments wer^ to
be allowed one hundred and sixty dollars per month, over and above
their wages. I served thirty months in separate departments, and
Congress made me a grant of fifteen hundred dollars only, in lieu of
four thousand eight hundred, which was my due. It is true, one
hundred of it was reported for the above-mentioned service, but, upon
my objecting to it, it was not in reality granted in that light ; and fur-
ther, to prove the generosity of Congress to me, I now say, that for
near five years' service I have never received only the nominal sum
in paper for my services, and am the only officer in America that
has received no depreciation or allowance therefor.

With respect to the second charge, I can only say, that the general
and secret instructions to our ministers respecting the fishery re-
mained the same as they were first formed, years before I went to
Congress, in 1780. The secret instructions made the independence
of the thirteen United States, and every part of them, — the grand ulti-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 207

matum of a peace ; and the general instructions, among other things,
directed them to secure our right of fishery on the banks.

When I was in Congress, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Governor Jeffer-
son, and Mr. Laurens were added to Mr. Adams. New instructions
were framed, but no alteration made respecting the fishery. It was
indeed moved by a member that the fishery should be made an addi-
tional article of the ultimatum, to which I, among others, objected,
and thought our general instructions to our ministers on that head
were sufficient to show the wishes of Congress ; that their own incli-
nations would prompt them to use every possible effort to secure it ;
and that it would be dangerous for Congress, at so great a distance,
who could not possibly know the disposition of the European powers,
to dictate positively the articles of peace, and thereby fetter ministers
who, in my opinion, had as much zeal for the American interest, and
had more knowledge of what we could or could not obtain, than all
Congress together. Besides, let the articles agreed to, be as they
might, they could not be binding on Congress until ratified by them.
Every person must know that the capture of General Lincoln and his
army was owing to the positive orders of Congress to keep possession
of Charlestown.

And I confess myself to be one of those who had rather trust the
command of an army to a good general on the ground than to a
Congress at five hundred miles' distance ; and the making a peace to
^Ye of the greatest characters in America than to a Congress at three
thousand miles' distance; especially as, after all. Congress could
approve or disapprove, as they thought proper.

There never was a question in Congress whether the fishery should
be given up ; and if there had, I should have been the last man in
America to have yielded it to Britain ; but I could not see the neces-
sity of making it an additional article in our ultimatum. Our right
to fish on Jaffrey's Ledge, and off Boon Island apd the Isle of
Shoals, were not articles of the ultimatum, yet we were never in
danger of losing it.

When the instructions "Honestus" alludes to were made out,
great part of New York and Virginia, and the whole of Georgia,
were in possession of the enemy ; we were without money, our paper
currency had vanished, and our army was revolting ; a change against
us, even before our instructions arrived, was at least possible. Had
Arnold's plan succeeded ; had Greene been defeated in the South ;
had Washington been unsuccessful against Cornwallis ; had the

208 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

French fleet been blocked up in the Chesapeake by the British ; had
Britain obtained a decisive naval victory over our allies ; had Russia
and Germany, or even the former, declared in favor of Britain, — we
might have been compelled to accept terms less favorable than
we obtained. Either of those events was possible ; and yet our min-
isters obtained not a single point but what they were instructed to
insist on. But as the events of war were uncertain, I acknowledge,
and glory in the confession, that I was one of those who objected to
fettering our ministers, and positively to dictate orders of peace,
to five gentlemen who were, in my opinion, more than equal in the
business of negotiation to all the members then on the floor of
Congress.

Had the refugees, with the very sagacious and candid "Honestus"
at their head, had the power of dictating terms, I dare say that our
having possession of Great Britain would have made one article of
the ultimatum to prevent a peace which Tories detest and Britain
laments.

As to the third charge, I would only observe, that, in March, 1782,
Mrs. Boyd sent to me, and informed me, that, as I had ever been
attorney for Colonel Boyd, was then engaged in several important
matters pending, and was expected to take charge of all affairs
relating to the family, she wished to make me some satisfaction, and
offered me a chariot, which I then agreed with her for. In the last
of June following, I was, without my knowledge or expectation,
appointed Attorney-General. John Smith, Esq., then clerk of the
House, gave me the first information of it, and I informed him it was not
possible for me to accept. In July following, at Dover, I was called
upon to act as Attorney-General, and refused to take the oath, be-
cause I was previously engaged against the State in some matters.
In September following, I was called upon by the Superior Court —
President Weare being present — to take the oath, and refused for
the reasons aforesaid ; and particularly mentioned my previous en-
gagement with Mrs. Boyd and others, which I could not break
through. The Court agreed to excuse me in all matters where I was
previously engaged ; and even at that term appointed Mr. Bradbury
to act as Attorney-General in some matters where I was engaged
against the State.

When the votes came to be counted, it was found there was
no choice by the people. The names of Langdon and Atkin-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 209

son were selected by the House from the four candidates
having the largest number, and Langdon was chosen by the
Senate. General Sullivan, who had been returned from
Durham, was elected Speaker, and chosen a member of the
Council, which latter office he declined. He was continued
as Major-General, and appointed Attorney-General, both of
which offices he resigned on the fourth of March, 1786. He-
was again put in nomination for the Presidency, and was
elected.

In May, 1786, soon after his election as President, appeared,
a statement under his signature, as agent of the Allen claim-
ants. It is well known that the Plymouth Company, in 1629,
issued a patent to John Mason, confirmed in 1635, of a tract
bounded by a line running from the mouth of the Piscataqua
to its head, and thence north-westerly sixty miles, and by
another line up the Merrimack, and running west sixty miles ;
thence to head of the line first mentioned. This constituted
the grant under which New Hampshire was settled. John
Mason devised to his sons John and Robert, who, in 1691,
conveyed to Samuel Allen, a merchant of London, for twenty-
seven hundred and fifty pounds sterling, under which Allen
took possession. This claim under the Aliens, who fell into
poverty, not being improved, a number of persons, in 1747,
purchased of a descendant of John Mason, for seven hundred
and fifty pounds, his right to the territory ; and their repre-
sentatives were designated as the Masonian Proprietors.

The heirs of Allen applied to Sullivan to represent their
claim. He declined, unless they agreed to confirm all grants
to the purchasers from the Masonian Proprietors already
made, limiting the points in controversy to the lands still
waste and unsold. One motive was, to quiet titles bought
from the Masonian Proprietors liable to be divested, if the
adverse claim were established. His advocacy of the Allen
title provoked the resentment of the Masonians, who were
among the most wealthy and influential of the State.

210 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Competition for popular preferment, under republics, ex-
poses character and antecedents to rigid scrutiny ; and the
robe must be pure and spotless as of the candidate in the betr
ter days of Rome when the term originated, to stand the
ordeal. The canvass, for five or six years, between Sullivan
and Langdon, for the chief magistracy of New Hampshire,
was warmly contested, and whatever could be advanced to
the prejudice of either, with any shadow of plausibility, found
its way into the prints. For an intelligent view of public
personages, and especially for the preparation of their biog-
raphy long after the generations that best knew them have
passed, the journals of the day afibrd indispensable aid. At
that particular period they professed, — to use the motto of the
" Gazette," — to be " Open to all, influenced by none, aiming
to be just ; " and anonymous writers were allowed the widest
latitude of discussion on either side, in the same columns.
There was no delicacy or forbearance. The struggle for
party supremacy was a fiery furnace. Praise and blame were
alike subjected to the test, and truth eliminated from the
dross.

From the " Gazette," in May, 1786, is taken the following
vindication of General Sullivan from an aspersion there shown
to be undeserved, and believed to be wholly inconsistent with
his habits of thought. There may not be as frequent proof
of the constant ascendancy of religious sentiment over his
mind as over that of his brother. Governor Sullivan, of Mas-
sachusetts; but abundant trace is found in his published
writings of his reverential spirit, familiarity with the
Scriptures, and respect for the observances of religion. He
may not have been sanctimonious : his mind was not of a
nature to receive dogmas upon authority without investiga-
tion ; but he was too enlightened not to reconcile revelation
with reason ; and if, after the bad habit of the times, occa-
sionally using a stronger term than is ever heard now from
people of education, it was only a mode of expression.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 211

Having lately perused a piece in the Newbury paper, wherein,
under the notion of a dream, a representation is given of a dialogue
between thr^e persons at Mr. Brewster's, at Portsmouth, in which
the Christian religion and the whole of the sacred Scriptures are
treated with contempt and ridicule, — although I am at no loss to
discover the characters meant to be pointed at, I confess, it gave me
great pain to hear that some persons, to gratify their malice, have
ungenerously whispered that the Hon. Major-General Sullivan was
one of the party, because he happened to lodge at Mr. Brewster's the
last session of the General Court, and because he is interested in
Allen's claim ; but, though he lodged at that house, he was in a sep-
arate apartment, and had no connection with the three persons
alluded to.

Although interested in Allen's claim, it is a well-known fact, that
fraud and deceit make up no part of that gentleman's private or
public character ; consequently it cannot be supposed that he joined in
any plan to deceive the good people of this State. But, to suppose
him to be one of those who joined in reviling the sacred writings, is
most unjust and ungenerous. It is a fact well known to all who
have the pleasure of his acquaintance, that he has ever been a zealous
and able advocate in favor of the divinity of the Scriptures, and
particularly of the truth of the Christian system.

It is well known to a number of worthy officers who served under
him, that, while the army which he commanded, in 1779, lay at
Wyoming, he wrote a most learned and ingenuous treatise against
Deists, which was highly applauded by all the chaplains in that
army, among whom was the Rev. Dr. Evans, then chaplain to the
New-Hampshire troops ; and even those who professed to be Deists
acknowledged that it contained the most powerful and conclusive
arguments in favor of divine revelation and the system of Christianity
they had ever seen. This piece, though many copies of it were
given out, he would not consent to have published, lest it should be
said he was acting out of his sphere.

Not long after his inauguration, Sullivan, finding the
'/ Gazette " and " Mercury," published at Portsmouth, and the
" Freeman's Oracle," at Exeter, not quite impartial, but dis-
posed at times to favor the views of his rival rather than his
own, persuaded his friend George Jerry Osborne to establish
the " New-Hampshire Spy." Osborne had been an officer in

212 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

the Revolution, commanding a company of artillery long
stationed at Portsmouth, where he had married Olive, the
daughter of John Pickering. The earliest number of the " Spy "
was issued at Portsmouth, October 24, 1786, and it appeared
Tuesdays and Fridays ; the first paper in the State published
oftener than once a week. It was continued some six years,
and during the administration of General Sullivan was made
the official paper. " It was edited with spirit and ability, and
many of its articles bear the impress of his vigorous mind."
Although inaugural addresses are too frequent and familiar
to be of much general interest, some few of General Sullivan's
may be of service in connection with our present object, as
indicating the condition of affairs in New Hampshire at the
time of his administration. That of June, 1786, had certainly
the merit of brevity. It was as follows : —

The free and unsolicited suffrages of my fellow-citizens, having
called me to the chief seat of government, at a time when our
trade is in embarrassment, oar finances deranged, and, for want of a
sufficiency of circulation, even the requisitions of Congress but in part
complied with, duty and inclination lead me to recommend for your
consideration those measures which appear to me most likely to pro-
mote the public good ; and to join you in adopting and enforcing such
as you shall judge best calculated to preserve the public faith, to en-
courage industry and frugality, and to relieve the people from their
present difficulties. To answer which purposes, if any measures
more effectual than promoting agriculture, discouraging the consump-
tion of foreign luxuries, encouraging the manufactures of our own
country, and giving a fi-ee course to the exportation of those articles
which our soil or industry may produce, had offered themselves to my
view, I should have proposed them for your deliberation ; but, as these
will probably prove the most efficacious, I beg leave to call your at-
tention to objects so worthy of your notice, in full confidence that your
wisdom will direct to such laws and regulations as will answer the
expectations of your constituents, and advance the interest of our
common country. The laws now in force respecting navigation and
commerce, being thought by some to militate with public commercial
treaties, and supposed by others not calculated to answer the good

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 213

purposes for which they were intended, may deserve your serious
consideration. The unfortunate events which prevented the sale of
lumber the last year occasions large quantities, manufactured before
passing the late act for regulating the size thereof, to remain still in the
hands of the industrious laborers and honest purchasers, and cannot
now be exported or disposed of without violating said act.

Perhaps the injury which individuals must suffer by the operation
of that law at this time, may merit a supervision of it at some future
period. The opening roads, and encouraging an intercourse, between
the several parts of this State, are objects which, I persuade myself,
will be deemed too important to pass unnoticed. As our national
character, and even our political existence, depends in great measure
upon a punctual compliance with requisitions of Congress, nothing
can be more necessary than the adopting measures which will answer
the demands and wishes of that honorable body, with as little delay
as the nature of things will admit. As a well-regulated militia is the
most safe and natural defence of this country, and, from its importance,
merits every possible attention and encouragement, perhaps a review
of the military system in this State may deserve your notice at this
time. A revision of the laws of the States, and particularly those
which relate to duties on articles imported, are too important to es-
cape your observation. Gentlemen, the well-known abilities and
patriotic spirit of the members in the respective branches of the
Legislature afibrd to the public the most pleasing prospect of the
happy effects of their wise deliberations in this session ; while their
candor encourages me to hope for every necessary and constitutional
support which the nature of my office may require. Permit me to
assure you, gentlemen, that the happiness which I feel in meeting
members of such knowledge and integrity in this Assembly, will be
augmented by every opportunity which I may have to prove my
readiness to join you in any measures for advancing the interest of
the State, and relieving the distresses of our fellow-citizens.

Jno. Sullivan.

Given at the Council Chamber in Concord, the 10th of June, 1786.

The reference to distress to be relieved was not without
its significance. The war had interrupted trade and indus-
trial pursuits, and left the country impoverished. No uniform
imposts had been laid by the diflferent States, and no power

214 THE MILITABT SERVICES OP

been delegated for this purpose to Congress. Taxation on
estates and polls for State and Federal obligations harassed
beyond endurance a people who, engaged in tillage and lum-
bering, found no market for their products. Coin, which
during the last two years of the war had been abundant, went
abroad to pay for imports. The circulating medium, com-
posed chiefly of State issues, and commanding but sixty per
cent of their nominal value, was in excess of the require-
ments of trading centres, yet rarely reached the pockets of
the farmers. Debts accumulated, suits at law wasted their
substance, tender laws led to fraudulent conveyances. Discon-
tent was the more general and poignant that the anticipations
of prosperity to follow independence had been extravagant,
and were necessarily disappointed.

A large portion of the adult population had been in the
army. In contrast with the stirring incidents and companion-
ships of the camp, ordinary occupations had lost their zest,
and desultory habits unfitted for patient labor. It was quite as
much a yearning for excitement, as any grievance or actual
distress, which produced the insurrectionary spirit rife at the
period. If this disaffection assumed less formidable propor-
tions than in the neighboring State of Massachusetts, it still
was widely extended in New Hampshire, and, gathering
fresh fervor from the turmoil across the border, created at
times alarm among the timid as to the stability of free insti-
tutions.

Conferences were held among the disaffected, who in-
veighed against courts and lawyers ; but their principal
clamor was for paper money. A convention was called to
meet at Concord in June, 1786, when the Legislature was
to meet, and President Sullivan to be inaugurated. It was
supposed that the presence of so large a body of men, from
all parts of the State, would induce the Assembly to accede
to their demands. This project was defeated by some young
lawyers and others, who, when but a portion of the delegates

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 215

were in attendance, professed to be also members, and called
a meeting to organize. They persuaded them to adopt an
address, compIainiDg in the most extravagant terms of their
grievances, praying for a loan of three millions of dollars,
funded on real estate ; the abolition of inferior courts, and
all lawyers but two in each county ; and for free trade with all
the world. They went in procession to the Assembly, some
of whom had been let into the secret, and presented their
petition, which was laid upon the table. Other delegates to
the convention arrived, but it was too late to repair the
mischief.

In the hope of better success, recourse was had to county
conventions, as in Massachusetts ; and from two of them peti-
tions were presented to the Assembly at their session in Sep-
tember at Exeter. To ascertain the real sense of the people
as to an increase of paper currency, the Assembly submitted
to the several towns a proposition for an emission of fifty
thousand pounds, at four per cent, on landed security. The
insurrection at this time in Massachusetts was at its height ;
one-third of its population being disaffected to the govern-
ment, and several thousand men in different parts of the
State in arms to prevent the courts from sitting. The object

in New Hampshire was not so much to subvert the govern-

ment as to overawe the Legislature.

Not satisfied with the concessions made, and inflamed by
the example in Massachusetts, on the 20th of September from
two to four hundred men from the westerly part of Rocking-
ham County assembled at Kingston, six miles from Exeter,
and by the help of some militia officers formed into compa-
nies, armed with muskets and swords, — growing in numbers
as they went, — marched to Exeter where the Legislature
was assembled. They sent a paper demanding an immediate
answer to their petition. They then marched through the
town, parading before the meeting-house where both branches
were assembled. The doors were open, and as many k& were

216 THE MILITARY SEBVICE8 OP

disposed entered. President Sullivan, who by the Constitution
presided over the Senate, in a cool and deliberate speech
explained the reasons on which the Assembly had proceeded
in rejecting the petitions ; exposed the weakness, inconsist-
ency, and injustice of their request ; and said that if it were
ever so just and proper in itself, and if the whole body of the
people were in favor of it, yet the Legislature ought not to
comply with it while surrounded by an armed force. To do
this would be to betray the rights of the people, which they
had all solemnly sworn to support. He concluded by declar-
ing that no consideration of personal danger would ever com-
pel them to violate the rights of their constituents.

When he ceased speaking, the rioters, disappointed and
exasperated, left the building. Orders were given to load
their muskets with ball, sentinels were stationed at the doors,
and the members were assured that they should not be per-
mitted to retire until they had complied with the demands
contained in the petitions. Nowise intimidated, the Legisla-
ture proceeded with their business. In the evening, at the
usual hour, they adjourned. As the President was leaving
the building, his progress was barred at the steps by a close
column of the rioters. A cry was raised among them to fire
upon him; but he, with great composure, told them that he
had had too much experience of powder to be afraid of theirs.
He then expostulated with them upon the madness and folly
of their course ; assuring them it could only bring ruin on
themselves, without tending in the slightest degree to accom-
plish their object, and that they should be resisted by the
whole force of the government so long as he continued at its
head.

Their answers were full of menace and reproach. The
burden was a demand for paper money, an equal distribution
of property, and release from debts. At this moment a drum
was beaten at some little distance by well-disposed citizens
of Exeter, who had beheld with dismay this insult to the

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 217

Legislature, but were at a loss what to do, having no author-
ity to act. Alarm was given that a body of artillery were
approaching, upon which the whole force of insurgents speed-
ily withdrew, scarcely heeding the direction of their leaders
to assemble again at nine the next morning.

The Legislature forthwith resumed its session, authorizing
the President to suppress the insurrection by military force.
His orders were issued promptly, and so well obeyed, that
companies of militia arrived in Exeter in the course of the
night. Early in the morning, two thousand had assembled,
horse and foot, with several field-pieces, and the President
ordered them to attack the insurgents in motion about a
mile distant. Those who were unarmed withdrew beyond
the river, the rest holding their ground till a party of light
horse appeared in view, when the whole body retired.
Some of them were taken ; others gained the bridge at
King's Fall, and were disposed to dispute its passage. An
order given to fire was fortunately disobeyed. A rush was
then made upon them, and forty, including their leader, were
taken. The rest fled with precipitation. The prisoners were
examined before the President and Council ; but, the author-
ity of the government being vindicated, lenity was deemed
the best policy. Six were detained ; and two others, who had
been among the most active, but had gone home, were taken
from their beds, and brought to Exeter.

They were forthwith arraigned on an indictment for treason
before the Superior Court, then in session in the town, and
ordered to recognize for their appearance at the next court ;
but there the process was dropped. Some of the insurgents
belonging to the Presbyterian churches were cited before
ecclesiastical tribunals, and censured as opposers of just
government. Others, being militia officers, were tried by a
general court-martial ; of these some were cashiered, but not
incapacitated for future service, some reprimanded, and others
acquitted. The insurrectionary spirit, which in other States

218 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

carried its point triumphantly, was effectually subdued by
this generous forbearance, and the disaffected submitted with
cheerfulness to a government which they had themselves
established, and found not only able to assert its authority,
but mindful of their rights.

The conduct of President Sullivan throughout this emer-
gency was such as to receive the entire approbation of his
constituents. It was prudent and dignified. The House of
Representatives had shown some disposition to temporize,
and appointed a committee to confer with the insurgents.
When the order came up to be joined in the Senate, where
Sullivan by law presided, this was not concurred in. To
this firm and decided course of the President and Senate
may be justly attributed the seasonable crushing-out of a
rebellion, which, had it gained any early headway, with such
numbers of discontented in the State, would have set law
and order at defiance.

In the foregoing narrative of the insurrection, we have
followed closely the relations of Belknap and Peabody, using
their language freely where it served the purpose. It seemed
hardly worth while to seek new phrases where they had
selected the best ; and their opportunities of ascertaining the
truth were far better than any to be had at this distance of
time. Many additional particulars might be gleaned from the
records and public prints, but would occupy too much space
in these pages.

A few weeks later, the President issued the following proc-
lamation, addressed to the freemen of the State : —

Whereas, a number of the good people of this government have
formed conventions in different parts of the State for the purpose of
consulting with each other on the best measures for relieving our
countrymen from their present distresses, and with a view of petition-
ing the General Court to adopt such as promise to be most speedily
effectual ; and crafty and designing persons, wishing to make these
conventions, however innocent in their first formation, a cover for the

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 219

most injurious and unjustifiable conduct, and, under color of conven-
tional authority, to subvert the constitutional power of the State,
have even with arms demanded from the legislature an immediate
compliance with the measures proposed by one of these conventions,
and threatened an immediate dispersion and dissolution of the Gen-
eral Court in case of neglect or refusal, —

The good citizens of New Hampshire, of every rank and denomi-
nation, are earnestly exhorted not to join or give countenance to such
conventions in future, as these assemblies have, by experience, been
found in this and one of the neighboring States to have a tendency to
overturn and destroy all constitutional authority and government.
The voice of every town in the State may be given in town-meetings,
agreeably to the thirty-second article of the Bill of Rights, upon
any point that respects the interests of the public or the rights of
individuals ; and the sentiments of the people at large may be collected
with more certainty in that way than in conventions, where, at best,
only those of a few individuals can be obtained.

I am well convinced that many wealthy citizens joined in these
assemblages without the most distant thought that government would
be thereby endangered ; but, since events have proved the danger of
setting up even the resemblance of a government or authority within
a constitutional government to which the former is unknown, I most
ardently entreat my fellow-citizens to have their " consultations upon
the common good" in regular, orderly, and constitutional town-
meetings ; that they will freely instruct their representatives upon
the most interesting points that may come under consideration of the
legislature, that so the desire of all may be known, and the wisdom of
the whole united in selecting and pursuing those measures which may
tend to promote the public good, secure our constitutional rights, and
lead us in the true path of political happiness.

Given at the Council Chamber in Durham, the thirtieth day of Sep-
tember, 1786. John Sullivan.

The rebellion in Massachusetts was far more extended,
embracing one-third of the whole population. It raged with
great violence for several months. In January, 1787, an army
of four thousand men marched to Springfield, and, on the
third of February, General Lincoln, who commanded it, learn-
ing that Shays, the rebel leader, had marched to Petersham,
left Hadley at eight in the evening, and, after a night march

220 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

of thirteen hours, — part of the way over high hills and in a
violent snow-storm, — reached that place, more than thirty
miles distant, at nine the next morning. Many of his men
were frost-bitten, and all by exhaustion unfitted for combat.
But the rebels were panic-stricken at their unexpected ap-
pearance, and dispersed without a shot. The same clemency
was shown as in New Hampshire. Eight hundred acknowl-
edged their error, and, upon taking the oath of allegiance and
giving promise of future good behavior, were released. Four-
teen of the ringleaders were convicted of treason, and many
more of sedition. Large numbers took refuge in Vermont and
New Hampshire, and President Sullivan issued a proclama-
tion for their apprehension.

The autumn was busily occupied by General Sullivan in
reviews of the troops ; a duty the more important from the
civil war across the border. He improved every suitable
occasion not only to stimulate their ardor in the line of their
duty, but to disseminate sound views of loyalty to the gov-
ernment. How far his influence was of any avail can only be
conjectured. But it is believed there never afterwards was
exhibited in the State the slightest disaffection. The Legisla-
ture, under some solicitude as to the possible course of events,
had adjourned to January, and when they assembled he
opened their session with the following address : —

Perhaps nothing could be more fortunate than your meeting, bj
your own adjournment, at a time when Congress calls for your imme-
diate attention to matters which respect the safety of the Union ; and
which are of so interesting a nature, that, in case your adjournment
had been to a more distant period, I should have been compelled, by
the request of that honorable body, to have called your attendance
at an earlier day. The conduct of the Indians on the Western fron-
tiers indicates an intention on their part to break through the most
solemn treaties, and to prevent our taking possession of that terri-
tory which was intended to be applied to the payment of our foreign
debt. An immediate augmentation of the troops of the United States
has consequently become necessary. The requisition^ with the sev-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 221

eral letters from the Secretary of Congress and the Secretary of
War, will be laid before you for your consideration. Among other
public papers which I have the honor to submit, are some letters
from the Board of Treasury, with their inclosures, which cannot fail
to engage your attention.

Whatever may appear to be the opinion of the several towns re-
specting the plan sent out by you, at the last session, for the consid-
eration of the people, I cannot persuade myself that such part of it
as respects turning the produce of the country, by the intervention of
a State agent, to the payment of our foreign debt, ought to be neg-
lected, as it will render the payment of taxes less burdensome, give a
spring to industry, prevent our coin from being drawn away, and be
a means of making those payments which are demanded from us at
least practicable, and perhaps seasonable and certain.

I am happy to inform you that the military force in this State is in
a most promising situation, and, through the exertions of the officers
and activity of the soldiers, cannot fail to become in a short time truly
respectable.

It is no less pleasing to have the opportunity of assuring you, that,
notwithstanding the machinations of a few interested, designing, and
unprincipled men, the people are generally determined to support and
maintain the constitutional authority of the State against every
attempt of seditious insurgents.

I have also the satisfaction to acquaint you that individuals, in
most parts of the State, are engaged industriously in fabricating arti-
cles with which we have hitherto been furnished from foreign coun-
tries, and of which the purchase has constantly drained us of coin, and
kept us in a state of poverty and dependence. And should it be thought
worthy the attention of the legislature of this State to encourage the
manufacturing of glass, steel, and a variety of other articles, — which
have seldom arrived to a pitch of perfection in any country unless
aided in the first instance by the supreme power, — we might expe-
rience national advantages which would soon enable us to become a
fiourishing and a happy people.

Among the various measures which may offer themselves to your
consideration for promoting the public interest, perhaps none can be
more successful than attempting to raise a revenue upon particular
articles of foreign growth and manufactures imported into the State,
and adopting indirect, in lieu of direct, taxation, in all cases where it
may be found practicable. The former will probably have a double

222 THE MILITART SEBYICES OF

effect in favor of the country, and the latter cannot fail to yield a rev-
enue for payment of our public debt which will be more certain, less
burdensome, and more equitable and productive, than can be obtained
in any other way.

The requisition of Congress of the 2d of August last will un-
doubtedly come again under your consideration at this session;
and I am convinced that you will use every possible exertion to grant
such aids to Congress as are necessary for supporting the Union, and
are within the abilities of your constituents to comply with.

Should it be thought inconvenient to have another session prior to
the next election, the necessary grants for defraying the expense of
our domestic government will of course come under your considera-
tion. And the interest of the public, as well as that of individuals,
will require that as much of the business now before the Court as can
possibly be done should be completed at this session ; in the despatch
of which you may rely on every aid and assistance in my power.

Given at the Council Chamber in Portsmouth, the seventh day of
December, 1786. John Sullivan.

•

One topic .of the foregoing address claims passing com-
ment. Some portion of the Federal foreign debt was falling
due. The several States were jointly bound for its redemp-
tion. Credit in the money-markets of Europe, precious to
young republics, perhaps to be called upon again to defend
their dearly bought independence, might be jeoparded,
should they fail to meet their obligations. There were,
besides, considerations in the circumstances under which
the loan had been effected, which made it peculiarly sacred.
The apportionment to New Hampshire of the Federal bur-
dens was not large, less than one-thirtieth of the whole ; but
she was in no condition for additional assessments. Her late
difficulties had proceeded from the intolerable weight of the
taxes. It was proposed that the several towns should con-
tribute a part of the yield of their inexhaustible forests,
to be shipped abroad by a State agent. Already vessels
from foreign ports were loading with lumber at Portsmouth,
and it was thought the few hundred thousand dollars consti-
tuting their share of the sum to be paid, might be thus raised

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 223

without distressing the people. Timber of suitable quality
was very equally distributed among the settlements, and
could be economically brought to the seaboard by w^ater-
courses which abounded throughout the State.

If productive of no other result, discussion would relieve
solicitude as to the public burdens, and incline the people to
a central government exclusively charged with such obliga-
tions. If no substitute for the articles of confederation
proved feasible. New Hampshire might thus, by combined
efforts of the people and the government, find means to
redeem its faith.

Although opinions on questions of public policy were about
equally divided, — political prejudices and preferences fer-
vent and intense, — party lines were not as distinctly marked
as since. When Langdon, in 1785, with less than a majority
of the popular vote, was sent up to the Senate by the House
as its preferred candidate for the Presidency of the State,
and elected, the latter body chose Sullivan as its Speaker.
When he in turn took Langdon's place as President, and by
virtue of that office presided over the Senate, his unsuccess-
ful competitor was chosen to preside over the popular branch.
The temper exhibited by their respective adherents in the
canvass did not disturb their friendly relations ; and in Janu-
ary, 1787, James, the brother of General Sullivan, afterwards
Governor of Massachusetts, married, at Portsmouth, Martha,
the sister of Langdon, and the widow of Captain Simpson,
who had commanded the continental frigate " Ranger," built
at Portsmouth. Judge Sullivan had resigned his seat on the
Supreme Bench, and resumed the practice of his profession
in Boston. Whilst studying law with John, at Durham, be-
fore the war, he had become engaged to his first wife, Hettie
Odiorne. Her receut death had left him with a young family
requiring maternal care.

As the time approached for the annual election, there was
manifested a general disposition to re-elect Sullivan. His bold,

224 THE MILITARY BBRVIOBS OP

judicious, and effective course had won respect from all par-
ties, and this often assumed in the canvass the measure of
panegyric. While some allowance must be made for unquali-
fied terms of praise usual in recommendations for office, as in
obituary tributes, they serve to afford, at least, a proximate
view of actual character. Praise undeserved or glaringly
extravagant would defeat its design in attracting the waver*
ing. The following, from the " Freemen's Oracle," is selected
as indicating the estimation in which he was very gener-
ally held at the period : —

Our present commander-in-chief is possessed of those shining
qualities which form the scholar, the statesman, and the soldier. His
genius seems admirably adapted to our needs and for times like the
present. When a gentleman is raised to an important trust, who
pays unwearied attention to its duties, and whose conduct in every
respect is unexceptionable, he does the highest honor to the under-
standing of those who have elected him, while it proves their confi-
dence is not misplaced* They should not be forgetful of his services
nor insensible to his virtues, but reward them by re-election until his
eligibility ceases.

He who now presides over you more than answers this descrip-
tion. His unremitting endeavors to regulate the militia of the State,
and to make it appear formidable and respectable, must make a
pleasing impression upon the mind of every friend to his country.

In him we see no opposition to acts of utility, but readiness to adopt
and enforce every measure which aims at the public good. Such as
view his popularity with an envious eye object that his political
principles are not of a republican nature. If calling forth the pow-
ers of the State and animating them by his spirited exertions to
support the present government ; if an anxiety to comply with the
requisitions of Congress, who are guardians of these republics ; if
unwearied pains to fix upon each individual oply his fair proportion
of the foreign debt, and pointing out the most easy and expeditious
mode of discharging it, are proofs of it, we shall be perfectly secure
in wishing for more of them. But so opposed is he to the very idea
of a change which must tend to disorder and confusion, that when
any public calamity is impending, his eloquent appeals inspire even
unbelievers in republicanism with a saving faith in its doctrines,
and arouse them to a sense of its value by his works.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 225

These eulogiums some perhaps may construe as savoring too much
of adulation. But gratitude and a desire to speak well of our rulers,
especially of those that do well, are motives too prevalent to hide or
suppress. The truth, when set forth in all its colors, will have weight
with the candid and judicious. If an unwearying application to busi-
ness, a head to contrive and a heart to pursue the best interests of
the State, are the necessary qualifications for a candidate to that office,
it would seem that the man who now presides over you will preside
over you again.

It so indeed proved ; and Sullivan was elected, although
not without opposition. Many whose cherished schemes he
had thwarted bore him ill-will and voted against him. His
inaugural was chiefly occupied with discussion of the finan-
cial condition of the State and nation. He recommended that,
to supply currency for ordinary transactions, those who held
State securities should be allowed to exchange them at the
treasury for smaller denominations, which should be received
for a portion of the taxes. He suggested amendments in the
imposts and excises. One rule, now general, but not then
usual, he urged should be adopted, — the appropriation of
every part of the public revenue to particular objects of ex-
penditure. The convention for framing a Federal constitution
was sitting at Philadelphia, and he called their attention to
the expediency of sending delegates. The revival and con-
tinuance of laws expired or that were expiring, as also some
enactments for a full and ample compliance with the treaty
of peace, claimed consideration. As the busy season of the
year was approaching, he hinted at the propriety of a short
session.

His address to the council betrays a sensitiveness to the
expedients to which his political opponents had resorted to
defeat his election and secure that of Langdon. Had he lived
at a later day, when misrepresentation of facts, impeachment
of motive, gross exaggeration, and opprobrious epithets are
the ordinary weapons employed in political warfare, he would
have heeded them less. But as it was not in his own nature

226 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

to pervert the truth for a purpose, aud he was keenly alive to
any reflections upon his honor or integrity, he felt sorely
aggrieved. These reproaches seemed especially aggravat-
ing, inasmuch as he had had the past year extraordinary
diflSculties with which to contend, and was acknowledged
to have acquitted himself wisely and well. On meeting his
new council, he thus addressed them : —

At a time when the greatest stretch of human wisdom is requisite
to extricate our country from the most trying embarrassments, to
restore public and private credit, aud to secure and maiptain national
honor and dignity, the appointment of gentlemen in whom the advan-
tages of political experience are happily united with patriotic virtue
and acknowledged abilities, to advise with and direct me in the execu-
tive part of the government, cannot fail to afford me unspeakable
pleasure.

Although taught by experience that artful and designing men will
multiply their attacks against me in proportion to the endeavors
which I may use for promoting the interest and happiness of my
country, this confidence, however painful, cannot in the smallest
degree lessen ^ly exertions for the public good ; while I ani consoled
by tlfe pleasing assurance that I may at all times avail myself of your
friendly hand to conduct me in the path of political rectitude.

Deeply affected with the disagreeable aspect of our public affairs,
fully sensible of my own unenviable situation, yet unalterably deter-
mined to fulfil with integrity and firmness the duties of my office,
nothing could yield me so much satisfaction as a well-grounded confi-
dence, that, through the whole course of my administration, I shall
receive from you every advice, direction, and assistance which the
nature of my otiSce may require.

His oflScial position as President did not admit of his being
a candidate for the convention which was called to meet in
June, 1787, at Philadelphia, to revise the articles of con-
federation. Langdon, Atkinson, Livermore, and Bartlett
were elected delegates to that body and to the Continental
Congress then sitting at New York ; the two former being
subsequently selected to represent the State in the conven-
tion. As they did not make their appearance at the opening

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 227

of the session, General Knox wrote Sullivan as follows, to
hasten their coming: —

My dear Sir, — As an old friend, a number of gentlemen, mem-
bers of the Convention, have pressed me to write to you, soliciting
that you urge the departure of the delegates from New Hampshire.

Impressed most fully with the belief that we are verging very fast
to anarchy, and that the present Convention is the only means of
avoiding the most dagitious evils that ever afflicted three millions
of freemen, I have cheerfully consented to their request, and beg
leave to have recourse to your friendship for an excuse, if any is
necessary. There are here a number of the most respectable char-
acters from several States, among whom is our illustrious friend.
General Washington, who is extremely anxious on the subject of the
New Hampshire delegates. A number of States sufficient for organ-
ization and to commence business will assemble this week. If the
delegates come on, all the States excepting Rhode Island will be
shortly represented. Endeavor, then, my dear sir, to push this mat-
ter with all your powers. I am persuaded, from the present com-
plexion of opinions, that the issue will prove that you have highly
served your country in promoting the measure.

I am, affectionately, your most obedient humble servants,

H. Knox.

His Excellency President Sullivan.

The Convention, of which Washington was President, after
full deliberation, agreed upon their plan, and submitted it to
the people of the several States for ratification. That Sulli-
van never wavered in his faith that it ought to be adopted, is
shown by the decided stand taken by the '^Spy" in its sup-
port. Several of the States had ratified it, but not the requi-
site number to give effect to the instrument ; and the follow-
ing letter from Knox to Sullivan intimates how anxious were
its friends that New Hampshire should adopt it : —

My dear Sir, — The new Minister of France, the Count de
Moutiers, who arrived yesterday, brought the inclosed letter from
our common friend, the Marquis de La Fayette. It was addressed
to you, on the supposition of your being in this city, and President
of Congress. But, alas, there is no Congress, although two months
have elapsed since one ought to have been assembled, agreeably to

228 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

the Confederation. The new Constitution ! the new Constitution !
is the general cry this way. Much paper is spoiled on the subject,
and many essays are written, which perhaps are never read by either
side.

It is a stubborn fact, however, that the present system, called
the Confederation, has run down ; that the springs, if it ever had
other than the late army, have entirely lost their tone, and the machine
cannot be wound up again. But something must be done speedily,
or we shall be involved in all the horrors of anarchy and separate
interests. This, indeed, appears to have been the serious judgment
of all the States which have formally considered the new Constitu-
tion ; and therefore they have adopted it, not as a perfect system, but
as the best that could be obtained under existing circumstances. If
to those which have already adopted it, Massachusetts and New
Hampshire should be added, a doubt cannot be entertained but that
it will be received generally in the course of the present year. If
Massachusetts and New Hampshire reject it, we shall have to
encounter a boisterous and uncertain ocean of events. Should you
have leisure, I shall be much obliged by a confidential information
of the disposition of New Hampshire on the subject ; and you may
rest assured that your confidence will not be misplaced.

I am, my dear sir, with* great respect and affection, your most
obedient humble servant, H. Knox.

His Excellency John Sullivan, Esq.

In the uncertainty as to the event, curiosity was naturally
felt as to the course likely to be pursued by leaders, to whose
guidance in critical conjunctures the citizens were accustomed
to trust. The *' Freemen's Oracle " of the 15th of December
says, " It can with pleasure announce the sentiments of his
Excellency, President Sullivan, to be perfectly federal. He
has been heard to express himself in nearly the following
terms : that, although he did not doubt New Hampshire,
singly considered, might have formed a better constitution
for themselves ; yet when the whole of the thirteen States
were considered, — that it was to unite them, jarring in inter-
est, in politics, and prejudices, — he was bold to say it was one
of the best systems of government that ever was devised,
and that all the objections which have been raised against it

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 229

are no more than may be brought against any form of gov-
ernment whatsoever."

That same month the subject was thus brought to the
notice of the Legislature in the openiug address of the
President : —

Sonie important despatches which have come to hand since the
close of the last session having rendered it necessary to call the
General Court together at an earlier day than that to which it stood
adjourned, I have by advice and order of Council directed your
attendance at the place where by your appointment you were to hold
the winter session ; and, although it is much earlier than you pro-
posed to meet, I can see jio reason why all the business necessary to
be transacted may not as well be completed now as at any other
period.

Among the public papers which I have the honor to lay before you,
the Report of the National Convention respecting a plan of Govern-
ment for the people of the United States, with the resolves of Con-
gress accompanying the same, will undoubtedly claim your attention.

The important question whether the proposed form shall be re-
ceived or rejected, can no farther come under your consideration at
this time than as it stands connected with, or may be affected by, your
determination respecting the propriety of appointing delegates to
decide upon it.

The proposed plan undoubtedly has its defects. The wisdom of
man has never yet been able to furnish the world with a perfect sys-
temi of government. Perhaps that which claims the attention of
America is liable to as few exceptions as any which has hitherto
been produced.

I have considered the plq.n, and endeavored to weigh the objections
which have been raised against it ; and have not as yet been able to
discover any of more weight than might be urged against the most
perfect system which has been offered to mankind ; or perhaps might
be alleged against any which human wisdom may ever contrive.

The Convention of New Hampshire met Feb. 13, 1788, at
Exeter ; and Sullivan, who had been returned from Durham,
was elected President. The rules adopted for their govern-
ment embraced the provision now more usual than regarded

230 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

in deliberative bodies, that no member should speak more
than twice to any subject in debate until each member had
had an opportunity to oflFer his opinion. The session lasted
ten days, including Sunday, and at this and at the subsequent
adjournment in June there was a very general attendance.
Each section in turn was discussed, and on the last day the
whole instrument made subject for debate. It was then
determined to adjourn, to meet again at Concord on the third
Wednesday of June, in order that the popular sentiment
might be ascertained, and so important a step might not be
taken without due deliberation.

What part General Sullivan took ift the debates does not
full}^ appear. The " Journal of the Convention " aflFords no
clue, but in the " Freemen's Oracle " of March 7 is the
following report of his remarks on the clause defining the
jurisdiction of the Federal courts: —

Every part of the Constitution exhibits proof of the wisdom of
those that framed it ; and no one article meets my approbation more
than the one under consideration. All acknowledge that causes
wherein ambassadors, other public ministers or consuls, wherein citi-
zens of different States are parties, or foreigners are interested, ought
to come under cognizance of the Federal jurisdiction ; and, if this be
just and reasonable, it is equally so that causes between different
States should be tried by the same tribunal. There are few of us
who have not been witness to the bias the most upright judges have
upon their minds in deciding causes between their own citizens aud
foreigners or citizens of another State. The limits of the eastern
boundary of this State were formerly disputed by Massachusetts.
Towns upon or nigh the line had been granted by both. The Massa-
chusetts grantees commenced actions of trespass against the 'New-
Hampshire settlers in the county of York ; and the court held, upon
consideration, that the lands were within that county. Similar
actions were commenced by the New-Hampshire settlers within their
own province, and the courts determined the actions were well
brought. The controversy was long continued, till at length the
parties observing the inefficiency of the laws of either province to
determine a question of this kind, compromised the dispute^

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 231

The mode pointed out by the constitution remedies these evils.
Tribunals upon the adoption of this government may be instituted
where the grants of different States will have no more weight than
their intrinsic goodness will warrant ; where it will not be so much
considered whether a party belongs to Massachusetts or New Hamp-
shire as whether his cause be just. And all this we may certainly
predict without any party being ruined in the prosecution or defence
of his rights. Justice will be administered without any extraordinary
expense to the subject ; and Congress, under such regulations as they
are empowered by the constitution to make, provide for the easy
and expeditious dispensing of law. It seems singular that gentlemen
who considered the British king was as eligible as that of any people
could be, complain of this regulation as a hardship, and destructive of
the rights of the people. They quietly suffered an appeal to Great
Britain in all causes of consequence. They then boasted of their
liberties, boasted of the liberty of appealing to judges ignorant of our
situation, and prejudiced against the name of an American. And
will they now object to this provision in the constitution? Could
they be content under their former bondage; and will they now
reject a constitution because an unprejudiced American court are to
be their judges in certain causeSi, under such limitations and regula-
tions as the representatives shall provide ?

The following fast proclamation, not for any peculiar excel-
lence, when compared with the numberless similar produc-
tions annually issued by State executives, sheds light on the
religious sentiments of Sullivan, whose duty it was to pre-
pare it. New Hampshire was as orthodox and observant
of religious rites as any other part of New England. It was
even more intolerant, not, until within a comparatively recent
period, allowing Roman Catholics to hold office. It contains
a seasonable reference to the action of the Convention : —

As the constant dependence of man upon the Supreme Ruler of
the universe for life and all its enjoyments, is undeniable, while
his natural disposition to wander from that line of rectitude which
divine Revelation clearly points out, is no less certain ; the laudable
and pious example of our ancestors, in setting apart certain days
for imploring the pardon and protection of Almighty God, is well
worthy of our imitation. The General Court have, therefore, thought

232 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

proper to appoint the tenth day of April next, to be observed a$ a
day of general humiliation, fasting, and prayer throughout the State.

And, in consequence of such appointment, I do by and with the
advice and consent of Council issue this proclamation, earnestly
recommending to the religious societies of every denomination, that
they assemble themselves together on that day, and offer op their
supplications to the Father of mercies for the pardon of onr numer-
ous transgressions, and a continuance of those favors which he of his
infinite goodness has hitherto been pleased to make us partakers of;
to entreat him to avert those judgments which our sins have jnstly
merited, and save the land which his own arm has delivered from
oppression ; that he will graciously inspire our rulers with wisdom,
integrity, and Ipve of virtue ; crown the labors of our husbandmen,
by causing the earth to yield her increase ; prosper our trade and
manufactories ; bestow upon us the blessing of health ; preserve us
from foreign wars and intestine commotions ; grant to the members
of our convention that wisdom which is necessary to direct and lead
them to those measures which may promote the interest and happi-
ness of the United States ; and, above all, that the Gospel of our
blessed Saviour may spread throughout the world, and that the
ambassadors of his kingdom may have reason to rejoice in the suc-
cess of their labors.

All servile employments and recreations are strictly forbidden on
said day.

Given at the Council Chamber at Durham, 29th February, a.d.
1788, and 12th year of American Independence.

The following letter — dated April 9, 1788 — from General
Knox at New York, presents a comprehensive view of the
condition of the great question before the country : —

I have hitherto deferred, my dear Sir, answering your esteemed
favor of the 27th of February, in hopes of being able to give you a
satisfactory statement of public affairs. But the unfortunate check
the new constitution received in New Hampshire, has given new life
and spirits to the opponents of the proposed system, and damped the
ardor of its friends.

The Convention in South Carolina is to meet on the 12th of next
month. The general tenor of the information is, that it will be
adopted there, but not without considerable opposition. North Caro-
lina is not to meet until July. The general opinion seems to be that

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 233

they will follow the example of Virginia, the convention of which
meets in June. The Constitution in that State will meet with opposi-
tion, indeed, and the issue is extremely doubtful. As far as informa-
tion has been received of the elections — which were finished in
March — the complexion is favorable. The arguments urged against
its adoption there are mostly local, although many ostensible ones will
appear. Impositions by the Eastern States on their commerce, and
treaties being made the supreme law of the land, thereby compelling
the payment of the British debts, will be the real objections of the
greater part of the opposers, — while some others apprehend the con-
solidation of the Union as a real evil.

In Maryland it is highly probable, according to information that
has been received, the Constitution will be adopted by a great major-
ity. Their convention will meet the last of this month. In the
State of New York, the interests pro and con are divided, and it is
impossible for an impartial person to say which way the scale will
turn. Both sides appear confident of victory, and are industrious
in preparing for the elections, which are to take place in about a
fortnight.

I am happy that you have such confidence in the future conduct of
your convention. 1 hope in God you may not be disappointed. The
business of electioneering runs high. We cannot judge who will be
the President, you or Mr. Langdon. But in either case yoiir friends,
who are the friends of the Union, rest assured that you are both too
good patriots to suppose your ardor for the Constitution will be abated.
A man possessing all the virtues of an angel, may not have the major-
ity of votes in States where the choice very frequently may depend
on mere trifles, not more important than the color of a man's hair,
eyes, his size, or carriage.

I hope to have the pleasure to see you the ensuing summer in
New Hampshire. In the mean time I shall be happy to learn from
you the fate of the Constitution.

I am with great respect and affection, your humble servant,

H. Knox.

It would have seemed that, by his devotion to the public
interests during the two years he had beea President, he had
richly earned a renewed expression of confidence from his
fellow-citizens. But power was then guarded with a watch-
ful eye, and rotation in oflSce considered the best safeguard of

234 THE MILITARY SERVICES OF

popular rights. The friends of Langdon were indefatigable
in promoting his election, and the cluster of able men at
Portsmouth, who were identified with him in interest and
social ties, brought to bear against Sullivan every influence
that could be used with eflFect. A contemporary print informs
us, " faction was exerting itself to hurl from the Presidential
chair the brightest patriot that ever illumined the councils
of New Hampshire."

Langdon was elected by a majority of one vote, a few hun-
dreds being divided among various candidates. Sullivan was
again chosen Speaker of the House, having been returned
from Durham. But for reasons not assigned, alid which can
only be conjectured, he declined that position, considered
the second in the State. This may have been from disap-
pointment in not being re-elected President, but more likely
proceeded from the state of his health, which already began
to show symptoms of being greatly undermined. An acci-
dent in the campaign against the Iroquois had produced the
incipient stages of spinal disease, the development of which,
a few years later, incapacitated him for bodily effort.

Had he been firmer in health, and, trusting to the favor his
fellow-citizens had uninterruptedly manifested towards him
from his entrance upon public life, accepted the speakership,
he would have been a more prominent candidate in the distri-
bution of offices under the federal government. This was
soon to be established. The instrument to create it had sev-
eral months been subject for anxious consideration, and the
moment was at hand when the State was either to accept,
or reject it.

Engaged in defence of their chartered rights and political
liberties, the American people had, for a generation, been
called upon both to study and discuss the subject of govern-
ment. Emancipation from foreign control, protection of prop-
erty, preservation of order, what constituted free institutions,
were constant topics of discourse. The several efforts to

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 235

frame a State government, and the nine sessions of the con-
vention for settling the form recently established, which had
been repeatedly submitted for their deliberation in town
meetings, had prepared the citizens of New Hampshire to
comprehend the questions involved in the proposed federal
constitution. They were frequently discussed in the press
and wherever men congregated ; and, as often the case in
political issues, when the time approached for the convention
to re-assemble, opinions were about equally divided. The pre-
ponderance, however, was seemingly adverse. This created
much uneasiness throughout the country, as eight States had
ratified, and one more was needed to render the instrument
obligatory even upon those which had already adopted it.

Pursuant to its adjournment, the convention met at Con-
cord, on Wednesday, the 18th of June. The following day
was employed in a general discussion of controverted points.
A motion was oflFered, towards its close, that a committee of
fifteen should be appointed to consider and report such
amendments as they judged necessary in alteration of the
constitution, which motion was the following day adopted.
This committee consisted of Langdon and Sullivan, Bartlett,
Badger, Atherton, Dow, BoHows, West, Severance, Wor-
cester, Parker, Pickering, Smith, Hooper, and Barrett. As
their report was made that same afternoon, the twelve amend-
ments reported were probably prepared before the opening
of the session, as had been the case in Massachusetts. A
motion by Mr. Atherton, that the constitution should not
operate in New Hampshire without said amendments, was
lost, and the course pursued in the other States, recom-
mending their adoption under the fifth article providing for
amendments, adopted in stead.

The first of these proposed amendments, that powers not
expressly delegated should be reserved to the several States,
was subsequently adopted in the tenth amendment, with the
additional words "or to the people." The second and third,

236 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

that the number of representatives should be one for every
thirty thousand until the whole number was two hundred, and
prohibiting any regulations by Congress contrary to a free and
equal representation: the fourth, that Congress should not
lay any direct tax, so long as the impost, excise, and other
resources were suflScient; nor then, before neglect of the
States upon requisition to pay their proportion as fixed by
the census: the fifth, that Congress should erect no com-
pany, of merchants with exclusive advantages of commerce,
— were not adopted. The sixth, that no person should be
tried for crime unless indicted by a grand jury, except in the
government and regulation of the land forces, was embodied
in the fifth amendment. The seventh, that actions at common
law between citizens of difierent States should be commenced
in the State courts, and appeal permitted thence to the fed-
eral, was not acceded to. The eighth, that civil actions at
common law should be tried by jury, was incorporated in the
seventh amendment. The ninth, that Congress should not
consent that any person holding office of trust or profit under
the government, should accept a title of nobility, or any other
title or office from any king, prince, or foreign state ; and a
part of the tenth, that no standing army should be kept up
in time of peace, unless with consent of three-fourths of the
members of each brauch of Congress, were not adopted;
but a provision that no soldiers in time of peace should be
quartered upon private houses, forms part of the third article.
The eleventh, that Congress should pass no law touching
religion or infringing the rights of conscience, forms part of
the first article ; while the twelfth, that Congress shall never
disarm any citizen unless such as have been in actual rebellion,
is virtually enacted in the second. The first six, and the
eighth were nearly verbatim the same as in Massachusetts.

On Saturday, the twenty-first, on motion of Mr. Livermore,
seconded by Mr. Langdon, the main question was put. Fifty-
seven voted in favor of ratification, forty - six against it.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 237

There were gentlemen of character and ability on both sides ;
but the names most familiar were enrolled in the affirmative.
It is recorded that General Sullivan was, at the time, suffer-
ing from hoarseness, arising from a severe cold. When some
plausible objection was started, in the course of the debate,
and no other member seemed disposed to answer it, the Presi-
dent, expressing his regret that no one would relieve him of
the task, addressed them with decisive eloquence and power.
It was generally conceded that, but for his efforts in render-
ing it popular, and explaining away objections, the Constitu-
tion would have been rejected.

With the exception of an eloquent and well-timed remon-
strance by Mr. Atherton against any constitution which toler-
ated or in any way recognized slavery, but little trace is to be
found in Eliot, in contemporary gazettes or correspondence, of
what took place in the convention. The Journal has been
this present year for the first time given to the public in
the " Historical Magazine ; '' and contains the document of
ratification by which New Hampshire entered the Union.

Whatever differences of opinion had existed as to the
expediency of the measure in the convention or among the
people, no sooner was it decided, than the event was every-
where hailed with enthusiasm, as the harbinger of political
blessings. The ministers announced the event to their con-
gregations as subject for devout acknowledgment. Days
were set apart in the chief towns and cities for festal jubi-
lee. There was a general disposition to indulge in thp most
sanguine expectations of prosperity, public and private, to
flow from a government founded on justice and equal rights
for a nation, which was destined to become, as then already
predicted, one of the most powerful on the earth.

As the ratification by New Hampshire would give vitality
to the instrument, and it was supposed the other four States
which had not yet given in their adhesion would be governed
by the course she should take, it had been thought desirable

238 THE MILITART BEBVIGES OF

that the result, if favorable; should be communicated as
speedily as possible to Richmond and Poughkeepsie, where
the conventions of New York and Virginia were respectively
assembled. Generals Knox and Sullivan consequently ar-
ranged expresses through the country to transmit the intelli-
gence ; but Virginia had voted to adopt before the courier
arrived. North Carolina ratified soon after ; and Rhode
Island, the last of the original thirteen, entered the Union
in 1790.

The following letter from Knox, at Poughkeepsie, alludes
to the services rendered by Sullivan in bringing about the
result : —

My dear Sir, — I thank you for your kind favor of the 21st,
from Concord, announcing the highly important and satisfactory
information of the decision of the Constitution by New Hampshire.
I hope that the news of this event may reach Richmond previously
to the decision of the question in the Virginia Convention. The
last letters from Richmond were dated on the 19th. The main ques-
tion would either be put on the 21st, or the Convention would then
make a short adjournment (perhaps a week), for the purpose of accom-
modating the Legislature, which had been called to assemble at the
same place the twenty-third. In either case, it appears to be the
opinion of the Federalists and Antifederalists that there would be a
small majority for adopting the Constitution, in the same manner as
by Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The express, with the New
Hampshire information, will probably reach Richmond this day, as
it departed from the city on Wednesday last, one o'clock.

If the adjournment should have taken place, the majority in favor
of the Constitution will probably be increased. I cannot well state
the politics of this State. It is sufficient to say they are opposed to
the Constitution without previous amendments. The Convention
have been sitting since the 17th; the majority greatly on the side
of Anti-federalists. However, as the noble conduct of your State
has secured the Constitution, it is possible the Antis may think
the ground changed, and may, instead of stipulating for previous
amendments, accept the Constitution on the terms you have. If
this should be the case, with which, however, I do not in the least
flatter myself, the Antis will take care to show their power by

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 239

some declaration that the acceptance is from expediency, and nat
from conviction.

Your friends attribute much of the success in your State to your
unremitted exertions, and hope tha^ your country will eminently re-
ward your patriotism.

Few indications are afforded by the public journals, or is
any private correspondence accessible, to show what combi-
nations in New Hampshire controlled the distribution of
offices under the new government. Much has since trans-
pired of what took place in other parts of the country to
secure for prominent individuals or shades of political opinion
all they could reasonably demand. No evidence, whatever,
is to be found that Sullivan was self-seeking, or allowed his
tranquillity to be disturbed by any aspirations for place or
power. His wish for posts of public duty had been chastened
by disappointments attending the most prosperous career ;
and, while disposed to accept the place assigned him, he
neither weighed nor urged his claims. Langdon, as Presi-
dent, possessed a strong hold on public favor, and his ample
means and generous hospitalities at the social and political
capital made him popular, not only with the eminent men who
resided at Portsmouth, but with all classes throughout the

State.

Durham was a small village, remote from any populous

centre. Sullivan had declined the speakership, and was but
a member of the house. The conservatives, for the most
part, favored Langdon; while the anti-federalists, who had
voted against the Constitution, were alike opposed to both
him and Sullivan. There were, besides, arrayed against the
latter Masonian proprietors and their grantees, late insur-
gents, and also refugee loyalists, who had little love for any
one who had been active in bringing about independence.
It was remarkable that, with so many obstacles in his way,
and a dignity of character that did not condescend to seek
popularity, he should have received so many tokens of public

240 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

favor. He was straightforward and careless of self in the
performance of duty ; and his frankness and fearlessness
often engendered animosities, working secretly to his disad-
vantage, and which it was not always possible for his friends to
disarm or counteract.

Langdon and Bartlett were elected senators; West, Win-
gate, and Livermore to the House; and, Bartlett declining,
Wingate was chosen to the Senate, Gilman taking his place
in the lower branch of Congress.' Sullivan, with Bellows,
Pickering, Thompson, and Parker, constituted the electoral
college that gave the five votes of th^ State for Washington
and Adams. There was an opposition ticket for the House
on which Sullivan was a candidate. What were his own
wishes, in the absence of evidence, is mere matter of conjec-
ture. But his health, limited means, and the condition of his
family, were incompatible with his assuming duties obliging
him to leave home. His friends no doubt anticipated that he
would receive a cabinet, diplomatic, or judicial appointment;
but other considerations than past services weighed with
those who were dealing the honors, and even John Hancock
and Samuel Adams were overlooked. Sullivan was chosen
a third time President of the State, and, when the General
Court met, in June, 1789, thus addressed them: —

Neither my own inclination, nor the state of my health, led me to
expect the honor of being called to the chair of government the pres-
ent year, or even to hazard a wish of embarking on an ocean far
from being smooth and pacific even in the best of times. But, having
long accustomed myself to obey with cheerfulness every call of my
country, I have ventured once more to attempt performing the duties
of an arduous and important office, with a firm reliance on your
great experience, integrity, and long-tried abilities in the political
field, and under a full persuasion that your kind and friendly assist-
ance will never be wanting to support me in its discharge.

I have now to entreat your acceptance of my most cordial thanks
for this additional mark of your regard, and to assure you in your
separate branches, and, through you, my fellow-citizens at large, that.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 241

if faithfulness and integrity in discharging my duties will in any
measure compensate for the want of those abilities which are more
amply possessed by others, you shall have no reason to complain of
your having misplaced the confidence with which you have honored
me. Under the present situation of our public affairs, it is almost
impossible for me to say much with regard to them : so many mat-
ters of national importance are now in agitation before the Federal
Government, and the event still remains so uncertain, that it cannot,
in my opinion, be prudent at this time to attempt what under other
circumstances might be both beneficial and necessary.

The militia law has often been supposed to need amendments, and
those respecting schools very material alterations.

Some acts that were laid over from the last session for consideration
may now meet your further examination. The judicial department
is of so much importance to every individual, that surely nothing
will be wanting on your part to pursue every possible measure for
keeping up the due administration of justice. Permit me, also, to hint,
that, unless measures are taken to prevent it, our fellow-citizens may
be subjected to duties by authority of Congress, and, at the same
time, to others collected by the laws of the States, and remain under
this double burden until the General Court is called to remedy the
evil. The busy season of the year, and the imprudence of attempt-
ing at this time to decide upon measures, which seem rather to wait
the action of the Federal Legislature, will render it unnecessary to
protract the present session for any considerable length of time.
You may rest assured, that, on my part, nothing shall be wanting to
assist you in whatever you deem necessary to promote the welfare of
our common country.

Washington, as will be. remembered, soon after his inau-
guration as President in 1789, visited the Northern States;
and, while he was on his way, Sullivan received from him the
following communication, inclosing a commission as Federal
judge of New Hampshire, the only position in the appoint-
ment of the President his health permitted him to accept : —

United States, Sept. 30, 1789.
Sir, — I have the pleasure to enclose to you a commission as Judge
of the United States for the District of New Hampshire, to which
office I have nominated, and, by and with advice and consent of the

242 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

Senate, appointed you. In my nomination of persons to fill office in
the judicial department, I have been guided by the importance of the
object, considering it of the first magnitude, and the pillar upon which
our political fabric must rest. I have endeavored to bring into the
high offices of its administration such characters as will give stability
and dignity to our national government ; and I persuade myself that
they will discover a due desire to promote the happiness of our coun-
try by a ready acceptance of their several appointments.

The laws which have passed relative to your office accompany the
commission.

I am, sir, with very great esteem, your most obedient servant,

George Washington.

The Hon. John Sullivan.

Early in November, Washington reached Portsmouth, and
it devolved upon Sullivan to extend to him the hospitalities
of the State. The following was his address of welcome in
behalf of the Executive of the State, which term embraced
also the Council: —

Amidst the applause and gratulations of millions, sufier the
Executive of New Hampshire, with grateful, hearts, to approach
you, sir, and hail your welcome to this Northern State, — to a gov-
ernment whose metropolis was, at an early stage of the late war, by
your vigilance and attention, saved from destruction, and the whole
of which was, at an after period, rescued from impending ruin by
that valor and prudence which eventually wrought out the salvation
of our common country, and gave birth to the American empire.

Deeply impressed with the remembrance of these important events,
you will permit us to say, that, among the vast multitude of your
admirers, there is not a people who hold your talents and your virtues
in higher veneration than the inhabitants of New Hampshire. We
beg you, sir, to accept our most cordial thanks for the honor done to
this State by your more than welcome visit at this time, and that yon
will believe we shall not cease to unite our most fervent prayers with
those of our American brethren, that you may be continued a lasting
blessing to our nation, and long, very long, be suffered to rule in
peace over those whom you have protected and defended in war.

The tenure of his judicial office not requiring the imme-
diate assumption of its duties, he continued in the Presi-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 243

dency of the State till towards the close of the term for
which he was elected. No event of importance occurred
to demand any particular comment. The custom, since uni-
versal in New England, and in later years very generally
adopted in all the States, had been initiated by his prede-
cessor, of setting apart in the autumn a day of thanksgiving
for the bounties of Providence ; and his proclamation for its
observance deserves a place in these pages : —

The season returning loaded with the bounty and manifesting the
munificent hand of the great Creator, who hath been the constant
and merciful protector and supporter of us and our ancestors, to ren-
der him our annual and public tribute of gratitude and praise, in
pursuance of a vote of the Legislature, appointing Thursday, the
twenty-sixth day of November next, to be observed as a day of thanks-
giving throughout the State, I do by and with the advice of Coun-
cil issue this proclamation, earnestly exhorting ministers and people
of every denomination to assemble o,n that day, and with devout and
grateful hearts to adore the unmerited goodness of Almighty God in
causing the earth to yield her increase and crowning the labors of the
husbandmen with plenty ; inclining the hearts of the people to adopt
a plan of general government happily calculated to secure and per-
petuate the peace and prosperity of America ; inspiring them in the
choice of rulers who justly merit and have their confidence ; to give
thanks at the remembrance of his goodness in continuing peace
within our borders and health in our habitations, while discord, war,
and pestilence have ravaged many other parts of the world ; to bless
His holy name for the preservation of our civil and religious privi-
leges, and sparing the important life and restoring the health of the
President of the United States, so justly dear to the citizens thereof;
to supplicate the continuance of his favors and implore the forgive-
ness of our sins, which render us ill-deserving of his mercies ; and
to beseech Him that the Redeemer's name and religion may be
spread, known, and revered throughout the world.

As the Federal Court was about to be organized, in June

Sullivan took leave of the Legislature in the following

address : —

The General Court being now properly organized, and only a few
members not qualified, and it not being of absolute necessity that

244 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

I should remain here until they have taken the oaths, I beg you to
permit me, being called to act in a different department, to take my
leave of the two branches of the Legislature at this t'ime.

Will you allow me, gentlemen, at this moment of my quitting the
chair of government in the State, and probably bidding a final adieu
to all posts and offices within the same, to entreat that you, as a body,
in particular, and, through you, the citizens of the State in general,
will accept my most cordial thanks for the repeated marks of con-
fidence with which you have so repeatedly and variously honored me,
and to assure you, that, in whatever department of life Providence
may place me, I shall retain a grateful remembrance of the generous
conduct of New Hampshire.

To this the Legislature made the following response: —

Sir, — The Senate and House of Representatives, having received
your letter of this day, wherein you very affectionately take leave of
the two branches of the Legislature, beg leave to express the high
sense they entertain of your military talents, and past exertions in
*the many and important offices you have been called by the suffrages
of your fellow-citizens to sustain, and to assure you that the repeated
marks of confidence the good people of this State have from time to
time reposed in you have been but faint testimonials of their gratitude
and your merit. They congratulate you on your appointment to an
honorable office under the United States, and sincerely wish that your
health may be restored, and that you may long continue, by dispens-
ing equal justice, a great blessing to this people ; and, while they
anticipate future, they will ever retain a pleasing remembrance of
your past exertions for the public good.

His court was opened by Chief-Justice Jay and himself,
and it is found recorded that Sullivan made to the grand jury
an address which was eloquent and appropriate. Trace is
found from time to time of its sessions at Portsmouth; but the
business of the district did not require they should be either
frequent or protracted. His health was already failing. The
ministerial duties of the court were acceptably performed by
his son-in-law, afterwards Judge Steele of the Supreme Court
of New Hampshire, who held the office of clerk ; and his
judicial functions occasionally by Judge Lowell, when illness

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 245

prevented his attendance. The fatal malady which was
slowly sapping what had once been a remarkably robust con-
stitution, after a few years confined him wholly to his house,
and he was obliged to move from room to room on a wheeled
chair. When some person over eager for the advancement of
a friend to the post which seemed likely in the natural course
of events soon to be vacated, applied to Washington for the
oflSce, he replied there was no man in the country he would
not sooner remove than* General Sullivan.

The hope was indulged that time would conquer or greatly
alleviate a disease of which the patient is generally the last
to perceive the inevitable progress. It had been contracted
in the public service, and what fortune remained to him was
moderate, and his family had claims upon him which he felt
ought not to be disregj^rded. As there was little admiralty
business in his district, or any other, for the cognizance of
a Federal tribunal, he was governed by the advice of his
friends in not tendering his resignation.

At so distant a day, little remains in the shape either of
correspondence or tradition to afford any indication h6w
these last few years were passed. His three sons had
graduated in 1790 in the same class at Cambridge. The
eldest, John, became an officer in the army, and did service
on the Western frontier and in Louisiana. George, thi9
youngest, inheriting the virtues and strength of character
of his father, was preparing for a career of distinguished
professional success. Mrs. Steele resided in Durham, near
the residence of General Sullivan. His parents were at Ber-
wick, not far away, and Master Sullivan, although more than
a hundred years of age, occasionally came over in the saddle
to visit his son. His brother Eben was practising law at
Kittery near Portsmouth ; and James, Attorney-General of
Massachusetts, passed every year through New Hampshire
to and from his Maine circuits.

Towards the close of 1794, his complaints assumed a more

246 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

decided character, and a brief period of prostration and pain
preceded his death. This took place on the 23d of January,
1795, in his fifty-fifth year. As it was the depth of the
severe winter of New Hampshire, and Durham was far re-
mote from Exeter, Portsmouth, or other of the larger towns,
his obsequies were attended by his friends and neighbors,
but there was no military display or funeral honors. . Some
feeling was expressed in the public prints that no escort was
ordered out for the occasion ; but intelligence, at that period
of sparse population and few public conveyances, travelled
slowly through the deep snows of New Hampshire, and, when
his mortal remains were committed to the earth, time per-
mitted little preparation.

Behind the house where he had resided for thirty years,
and which still in the best of pregervation is occupied by
one of the most respectable and affluent of the inhabitants
of Durham, is a small cemetery, in which his own family and
that of his friend, William Odiorne, — whose daughter was
married to his brother James, — are interred. It is now well
filled with monuments, and due care is taken by their kin-
dred to prevent dilapidation. On the marble slab over his
tomb is an appropriate inscription. It is to be hoped that at
some future day the State, as she grows in prosperity, and
is more disposed to value the services which established
her independence and free institutions, will erect in her capi-
tal or near their sepulchres, statues or monuments to the
memories of her distinguished revolutionary worthies.

Of these, several of the most intimate associates of Sulli-
van, who had borne with him the heat and toil of the contest,
had preceded him to the tomb : Weare and Atkinson in civil
life, advanced in years ; Poor, Scammell, and Sherburne, gal-
lant soldiers, in their prime. Greene and Sterling were gone;
Hancock and 'Franklin. But dying at the early age of fifty-
four, many of his companions in arms or in Congress sur-
vived, by further services to take deeper "hold upon the

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 247

respect and affection of their country, to occupy a more dis-
tinguished place in its annals. How far his public career
entitles him like them to be remembered, is for the reader
from the foregoing pages to determine. It certainly was too
honored and useful for obloquy to taint, or for misconception
to remain uncorrected. He was permitted to take an active
and, it is fearlessly asserted, an efficient part in bringing
about American independence; and it is fortunate for his
memory that the closest scrutiny discovers nothing either in
his character or conduct which was not honest and esti-
mable.

In the political arena popularity is not always the test of
merit. The great body of the people are generally wise
enough to perceive who best deserve their confidence, yet
in periods of excitement often make men of little character
their idols. Ability and eloquence and skill in pandering
to prevailing prejudices wins favor which modest worth is
too proud to seek or too honest to retain. The avenues to
preferment are beset by intrigue, and swayed by passion
fomented for a purpose, the community yields without reflec-
tion to pressure and pretension. This is discouraging. But
if an inseparable concomitant of self-government, those who
believe in free institutions as the best social condition accept
the evil with the good. Political experience exhibits fre-
quent instances where past services are overlooked, capacity
still to be useful thrust aside in the feverish struggle for
power and place.

General Sullivan had too firm a faith in the system which
it had been the principal work of his life to establish, to ex-
perience, when consummated, either mortification or disap-
pointment that others should be preferred to himself. He
no doubt sincerely felt what he frequently had occasion
to express, that the marks of public confidence he received
were the free gift of the people, to be extended or withheld
as they pleased. He gladly accepted every occasion that

248 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

presented to further their interests according to his judg-
ment, and this was his governing principle throughout his
public life ; but he willingly gave way to others whose zeal
and qualifications were an equal claim to his own. He be-
lieved in rotation in oflSce as the best guarantee for fidelity,
and, while glad to be elected, was not fretted by defeat. He
had no reason to complain ; and the numerous oflSces con-
ferred upon him were flattering proofs of the estimation in
which he was held.

He had given up a lucrative practice to enter the army ;
and, when compelled by the wants of his dependants to
resume it, it had lost much of its charm. He could not rest
contentedly idle ; and he found in public afiairs an agreeable
substitute for professional occupations. But no evidence is
found that he was self-seeking, or swerved from the right by
any yearning for office. On the contrary, tradition bears
witness to his independence, his readiness to ■ sacrifice his
hold on the favor of the people, to turn them from paths
which were leading to error. It was this directness of pur-
pose, fidelity to principle, that secured confidence which poli-
ticians, sacrificing conviction to expediency or advancement,
do not merit, though they sometimes obtain. His sphere
was limited, but our institutions were forming, and his official
responsibilities were attended by many embarrassments. His
public life furnishes valuable lessons to chasten ambition,
in a country where to participate in the administration of
affairs is alike the birthright of all.

However insignificant the population or armies of America,
compared with the multitudes engaged or represented in
more recent conflicts, its struggle for independence is not to
be measured by numbers either in interest or importance.
For the first time mankind was instituting the experiment
of self-government, based on equal rights. The leaders, in
sagacity and elevation of character, were worthy of the
cause ; and not only here, but wherever there exists a dispo-

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 249

sition to emulate their example, what is known of them will
engage attention. A few who boldly assumed the responsi-
bility of inducing their countrymen to throw off a yoke,
no longer to be borne, commanded in the field, took part in
the councils, and were subsequently called upon to admin-
ister the governments which they aided to form. Washing-
ton, although not like him a member of the Continental Con-
gress, was distinguished both in civil and military life ; and
this also was the case with Sullivan, if not in so exalted a
sphere.

When sovereignty vested in the people, its noblest pre-
rogative, that of promoting the public welfare, was zealously
exercised by all in whom the people placed trust. Their
eagerness to develop the resources of the country was only
limited by opportunity. Commerce and manufactures, roads
and canals, the public safety, a sound currency, reforms in
jurisprudence were of general concern. Sullivan was not
the less ardent that his motives were sometimes impugned,
and his public spirit mistaken for ambition, in exerting what-
ever influence he possessed in furthering these objects. His
brother James in Massachusetts projected the Middlesex
Canal, and John lent his aid to similar improvements, which
promised to benefit New Hampshire. As already stated, he
encouraged manufactures, and at one time imported skilled
artisans from France. This enterprise was not a financial
success, but served its purpose in stimulating others. Works
for making duck and other coarse fabrics were started in
various parts of the State. A long period was destined, how-
ever, to elapse before this branch of industry, to which Now
Hampshire owes so largely its present prosperity, was fully
developed.

His energy of character, and desire to be useful, found also
other fields of employment. Durham, a century since, as
now, was attractive for its agreeable scenery, cultivation, and
commodious abodes. Among other branches of industry it

250 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

prosecuted with success, was the building of vessels, for
which its proximity alike to the forest and the sea afforded
facilities. He actively engaged in all that would promote the
general prosperity, and his ardor in whatever he undertook
was an example and incentive to others. He was frequently
about in the woods in pursuit of lumber for his saw-mills, or
for game. When Jefferson was minister in Paris, the idea
was advanced in his presence that both man and beast degen-
erated in America. The well-known anecdote of the Shenan-
doah men at his table corrected the prejudice as to the
human species. And, to remove any doubt as to the latter,
he wrote Sullivan to send him specimens of our moose and
deer. Sullivan formed a party in the depth of winter, and
went off beyond Lake Winnipiseogee towards the White
Mountains, and killed or captured what, sent out to Paris,
convinced the French savans that our beasts of the forest
were quite equal to their own.

Before the war his professional emoluments had been large,
and, by prudent investments, at the early age of thirty-three,
he was already, as mentioned by John Adams in his diary,
in affluent circumstances. He pwned, besides his beautiful
farm along the shores of the river at Durham, valuable
water-powers and extensive tracts of territory. His liberal
expenditures and generous hospitality during his campaigns
exceeded his allowance as a general, and he was compelled
to draw largely on his private resources. It was not in his
nature to economize, and he lent his aid freely to those in
need. Payment made him by his creditors was in depreciated
currency, so that his fortunes were greatly reduced by the
war. When he left the army and resumed practice, he was
again possessed of competence, if not of wealth. His official
recompense was of little amount, but his house was always
open to friends and strangers ; and his widow, who resided
there till 1820, when she died, is said to have been, in pro-
portion to her means, hospitable like himself.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 251

His farm consisted of much fertile land ; he conducted it
himself, and took a lively interest in all its details. His
experiments in stock and tillage were not for his own benefit
alone, but for that of his neighbors. A fine dairy-house stood
near his dwelling; there were beehives near the river; and
he had what is not probably to be found anywhere, certainly
not in that neighborhood, in these days, a rabbit warren on
one part of the estate. Numerous communications on agri-
cultural and horticultural topics, on the keeping of bees, in
the public prints bear internal evidence of having proceeded
from his desire to diffuse information that might be of use'.

Farming, to be profitable, depends, especially in New
England, upon rigid economy. This was not in his nature.
But a blessing attends a generous spirit, and, though liberal
in all his expenditures, he came not to want. A gentleman
of the neighborhood writes of him, —

He kept in his employment a large number of workmen, and his
farmer, coachman, carpenters, wall-builders, and others in his service,
are said to have been much attached to him. He was considerate of
their welfare, and paid them liberally. Being constantly engaged in
official and other public duties, he was much from home, and he left
to their charge the management of his farm and domestic affairs,
having no reason to regret the confidence he placed in them. His
coachman [Stephen Noble] was accustomed to speak of his gen-
erosity to himself and others as he traversed the country on his
way to the courts or the capital.

At Durham he was generally popular, though, for some
reason not known, an alienation existed at one period be-
tween himself and the head of an influential family of the
place. This was made up before his death. He was cour-
teous and cordial in his social relations, and when at home it
was much the custom of the leading men of Durham to
assemble about eleven o'clock in the forenoon in his parlor,
where, refreshed from a capacious bowl of punch, cold in sum-
mer and steaming hot in winter, they passed an hour in pleas-
ant chat. These habits, brought from the camp, were not

252 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

conducive to health or longevity, but added much to the good-
fellowship which marked the intercourse of the period. He
was convivial, but careful not to exceed the bounds of moder-
ation. Possibly from his French associates he acquired a
taste for snuff, and his use of it in his latter days is said to
have impaired a voice remarkable originally for its depth,
flexibility, and sweetness.

Another account says he was of a gay and happy tempera-
ment, fond of a joke, quick at repartee, and companionable
with all with whom he chanced to be thrown. He was suflS-
cietitly dignified, and, when occasion demanded, ceremonious;
but this proceeded from a sense of propriety, and not from
pride. It never chilled. All felt at ease in his presence.
Though attentive to his dress, as was the custom of the day, far
beyond the social or official requirements of our own, though
he was often attended, as then usual, about the country on
State occasions by escorts of cavalry, and although his equi-
page was handsome, hip adherents were from all classes, and
they did not like him the less for a display many of them had
witnessed under similar circumstances in other parts of the
country on their campaigns. He was very fond of fine
horses, and he mentions one shot under him at Brandywine
as the finest horse in America.

His kindliness of manner, readiness to consider others,
disregard of his own comfort where he could contribute to
theirs, explains in a degree the attachment felt for him by
Greene, Knox, and Lafayette, by Laurens and Hamilton,
and many of the noblest characters of the war. It certainly
won the regard of the soldiers. On the western campaign,
when necessary to move with expedition, from some over-
sight valuable packages were left unprovided with trans-
portation. Unwilling to impose unusual hardship on others
he was not ready to assume for himself, he dismounted, had
his own horse laden, and proceeded on foot. His example
was followed by other officers, and what would have been a
serious loss to the army, was preserved.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 253

It was charged against him that he was not republican in
his sentiments ; the term being used not in a party sense as
now or half a century ago, but in its original purport. This
seems to derive some force from his addresses on the military
organization of the State, to be found later in the volume.
He was no theorist, and took a practical view of the actual
condition of society. He believed in the equality of man
before the law as before the altar and the judgment-seat ; but
was too sensible to undervalue the claims to respect of charac-
ter and intelligence,' or the homage due to authority. His mili-
tary life had trained him to habits of subordination, and the
distinctions of social life in all parts of the country then were
more marked than now. He was willing to level up but not
down, and frequently manifested his sense of the importance
of popular education, which, as President of the State, he did
all in his power to promote. His writings prove that no one
was more decided in his views than himself that America
should be a republic.

With many others who apprehended the growth in our
country of similar social distinctions to those of Europe, he
was at first opposed to the foundation of the order of Cincin-
nati ; but he had reason subsequently to change his opinions,
and became one of its officers. He inherited a dislike of
British institutions, and all his sympathies were with France.
He was on terms of intimacy with Lafayette ; and his de-
scendants possess mementos, which were sent to him after
the war, from French officers who had been his companions
in arms. He undoubtedly sympathized with the struggle in
France so long as its object was the establishment of republi-
can liberty. But he was not a disorganizer ; and his vigor in
suppressing the rebellion of 1786, which extended into New
Hampshire, shows his sense of the importance of maintaining
law and orden His professional pursuits, his extended expe-
rience in the camp and in Congress, his official responsibili-
ties at home, all tended to make him a wise and prudent

254 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

statesman ; and the frequent marks of public confidence
reposed in him testify the sense that was entertained by his
fellow-citizens of his merit.

His brother James was more devoted to literary pursuits,
but he also had the pen of a ready writer. His letters and
public documents evince much command of language, are
expressed with force and clearness, and, where occasion
demanded, were earnest and eloquent. They prove that
his classical studies were not suffered to grow rusty, and
in his frequent allusions to ancient history, considerable
scholarship. His letters in French, indicate a familiarity
with that language, which he both wrote and spoke with
facility. From early manhood he was a frequent contributor
to the press, and throughout his career are to be found
numerous essays in the columns of the journals, chiefly on
political questions, but extending over a great variety of
other topics, — social, economical, and military.

Among his papers are various letters from Jeremy Bel-
knap, affording evidence of the friendly relations that sub-
sisted between himself and the accomplished historian of
New Hampshire. It was in his power to lend much assist-
ance to Belknap in the prosecution of his principal task, and-
this he gladly improved. There was at that period but slight
encouragement for literary productions, but the work referred
to was of rare excellence, and has always maintained a high
rank among American historical publications.

Like Washington, he was a freemason. There were many
lodges during the Revolution in the American army, as well
as in the British. The fortunes of war placed at one time
the regalia of one of the latter in the possession of Washing-
ton, whose action in returning them will be remembered.
The favorable influences of masonic institutions, in cherishing
kindly feelings and a high standard of Christian character
in ofiicers and men, have often been remarked. After his
return from the army he was instrumental in establishing

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 255

a masonic organization, and it has been said he was the ^rst
grand master of the State. How extensive its brotherhood
may have been is not known; but, to a genial and sympa-
thetic nature hke his own, the association must have proved
the source of much social enjoyment.

His nature was ardent and impulsive. He was quick to
take offence, impatient under aflFront, but generous and
placable, and too noble to seek revenge by any indirection.
He had a high sense of honor, was faithful and loyal to all his
obligations, and, if he took exception at the course of others
towards him, he was frank and open in seeking redress. His
resignation from the army has been generally attributed by
himself and others to the state of his health. This probably
was the true and sufficient reason. But it has also been
ascribed to his sense of the injustice of Congress in refusing
to allow an equivalent for the half-rations given up by his
army in New York, and which he had given assurance, so far
as he had any influence, should be made up.

Where there were so many aspirants for official distinc-
tion, there were natural rivalries ; but among the high-toned
men of that day they rarely degenerated into selfishness or
animosity. During the canvass their respective adherents
indulged in exaggeration and abuse. When the election
was decided, both sides met too constantly in public and
social relations for alienation or resentment. Sullivan was
on friendly terms with Langdon and his other competitors
for popularity. His friendships were deep and constant, but
he was 'somewhat noted for the steadfastness of his dislikes
where he considered himself unfairly treated, or saw any
thing to disapprove.

Despotisms rest on fear, monarchies on honor and a senti-
ment of loyalty, republics on virtue and intelligence. If the
latter qualities are indispensable to their maintenance, public
and private integrity in the body of the people is essential
to free institutions in their foundation. Their traditions,

256 THE MILITARY SERVICES OP

lavs^S; religious obligations, a public opinion unusually exact-
ing, tempered and chastened the character of the Ameri-
cans when they vindicated their right to self-government.
Their leaders in the field and civil life gained confidence by
their exemplary character, and, actuated by the most elevated
motives, commanded respect even from their enemies. Dig-
nity of bearing, refinement of manner, were the habit of the
period, and highly educated ofiicers from abroad, who took
part with them in the contest, insensibly moulded their
modes of thought and social intercourse.

All that is known of them confirms the faith we are prone
to cherish, that they were remarkable men. Energetic, capa-
ble, self-sacrificing, they proved their claims to confidence by
fidelity and zeal to pi'omote, not the special object alone for
which they were contending, but whatever tended to the
public good. Their public documents and official writings,
their printed works and private correspondence, were fitting
accompaniment for their heroic deeds, are their imperishable
monument. Their names and lives are familiar to old and
young. Lapse of time but places their memories in bolder
relief, and, so long as we continue to value the liberties they
established, will mould political sentiments throughout the
land. To lessen its lustre by unjust disparagement, works a
double wrong.

Three score years and ten have passed since his career
ended, and probably very few survive who have any personal
recollection of General Sullivan. But materials abound in
which stand recorded in authentic form his leading traits.
Much has perished, both of incident and anecdote, which
would have been of interest. Much, no doubt, yet remains
to be collected. The following selection from what has at
difiorent times been said of him will serve to indicate in
some measure the impression he made upon those who
knew him : —

" General Sullivan was an eloquent lawyer, a good writer.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 257

and, as a man, just and sagacious. He was generous, high-
spirited, and intrepid ; and, in his bearing, graceful and digni-
fied. He conversed freely and with fluency ; and his engaging
address made the stranger at once at ease in his presence.
He had the faculty — invaluable to an advocate — of making
each one in a company of many persons think he was an
object of his particular attention. He was hospitable, fond
of the elegancies of life, prodigal of money ; but in his deal-
ings honest, generous, and honorable." " His temper was
ordinarily mild and tranquil, and as far removed from petu-
lence as any man could be, but when irritated he was stormy
and violent." " He took a lively interest in military prepara-
tions for defence, and his writings on that subject are sensi-
ble and comprehensive. His religious sentiments were deep,
though he shrank from display ; and a manuscript defence of
Christianity —^ written in camp and circulated amongst his
brother-oflScers — is alluded to in a subsequent notice of him,
though not known to have been preserved." If not tall, his
presence was commanding; he was erect, his shoulders were
broad, his chest full, his movements quick and elastic. His
eyes were black, piercing, and of remarkable brilliancy ; his
hair dark and curling; his complexion embrowned by con-
stant exposure; he had a rich, warm color on his cheeks.
His portrait was painted once or oftener during the war.
Several engravings exist, and one of them, colored in his
lifetime, was in possession of his widow and daughter for
more than half a century after his death, and pronounced
by them to have been a good likeness. His picture was also
painted by Trumbull in 1783.

Experience proves how little it is safe to leave repu-
tation unguarded, where duty or circumstance calls from
private life to take part in public aflFairs of moment.
Unless there is at hand for reference an orderly statement
of events, supported by documentary evidence, the un-
scrupulous who delight in detraction take advantage to

258 THE MILITART SEBYICES OF

distort or impugn. This has been particularly exemplified
in the history of the Revolution ; and often to give variety
to a story of which the incidents need no embellishment, or to
borrow laurels for some favorite, much is stated which is
pure invention. The grandson of General Sullivan, late
Attorney-General of New Hampshire, in an able vindication
of his grandfather for not having more precise intelligence of
the British movements at Brandywine, reviewed every fact
and circumstance connected with that battle. He evidently
had never heard of any such imputation as that now made of
disobedience of orders in not crossing the river, which it has
been one principal object of this publication to refute.

It may seem quixotic for one of less literary pretensions to
controvert such a charge, however ungrounded, when ad-
vanced by a voluminous author. Those who on the bat-
tle-field established our liberties were never discouraged
by odds or calculated personal consequences, and they cer-
tainly earned a right to be defended when misrepresented or
traduced. So long as our institutions are preserved, the
Revolution must remain the most interesting epoch of our
history. Americans will draw from its memories more fervent
devotion to their political faith. Other biographies will be
written to keep aglow the fire on its altars, each succes-
sive generation produce historians to present its characters
and events in forms more attractive and exact. Whoever to
magnify himself or from other illaudable motive would dull
the fame of these illustrious personages, which is not only
our glory but our safeguard, will be remembered, but only for
his perversity and injustice.

This work has grown in the press far beyond its original
design. Had its present dimensions been anticipated, it
would have assumed the usual form of biography,' and, divided
into chapters, been more convenient for perusal or reference.
Should the subject commend itself to favorable considera-
tion, another edition, diflFerently arranged, will be prepared.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. 259

Numerous interesting incidents and anecdotes, not falling
within the scope of the present volume, have been reserved.
There remains, besides, much correspondence in letters, both
from and to General Sullivan; and it seems reasonable to
believe that yet more will be collected. A few documents
are given in the Appendix, for which no fit place was found
iu the preceding pages.

APPENDIX.

PARENTAGE OP GENERAL SULLIVAN.

Page 9.

Mention is occasionally made of the father of General Sul-
livan, in connection* with his sons, four of whom took an active
part in the Revolution. These statements have not always
been precisely accurate ; and, as what is known of his history
explains in part what was remarkable in theirs, it may not be
out of place to correct them. For nearly half a century he
was an instructor of youth at Somersworth, in New Hampshire,
and Berwick, in Maine, towns separated by the Salmon-Falls
River. Highly educated himself, his sons were indebted to
him for a training which their subsequent career proves
to have been unusually thorough. Measured by their general
information, development of mental power, or the ability
which they exhibited in their writings, it compared favorably
with the collegiate culture of the period.

A native of Ireland, and in birth not far removed from the
chieftainship of a once powerful sept, he came to America
cherishing little loyalty to the government that had dispos-
sessed them of their inheritance. All true friends of Ireland
deplore recent forcible demonstrations, as calculated to frus-
trate proposed measures of reparation, expose to aggravation
of wrong. Yet there exists but one opinion, even amongst

264 APPENDIX.

Englishmen, unless where the judgment is distorted by in-
terest or prejudice, — that, in the condition of that unfortunate
country, much is discreditable which can and should be
reformed. All are candid enough to admit that the confis-
cations and discriminations whicli brought it about, were
justified neither by law, humanity, nor sound policy. Sturdy
resistance against oppression, which no people of any spirit
could patiently endure, is too generally respected for any
motive that led to American Independence not to be ap-
plauded.

At the request of the wife of General Sullivan, his father,
then late in life, prepared the following statement : —

" I am the son of Major Philip O'Sullivan, of Ardea, in the county
of Kerry. His father was Owen O'Sullivan, original descendant
from the second son of Daniel O'Sullivan, called Lord of Bea.rehaven.
He married Mary, daughter of Colonel Owen MeSweeney, of Mus-
grey, and sister to Captain Edmond MeSweeney, a noted man for
anecdotes and witty sayings. I have heard that my grandfather had
four countesses for his mother and grandmothers. How true it was,
or who they were, 1" know not. My father died of an ulcer raised
in his breast, occasioned W a wound he received in France, in a duel
with a French officer. They were all a short-lived family; they
either died in their bloom, or went out of the country. I never
heard that any of the men-kind arrived at sixty, and do not remember
but one alive when I left home. My mother's nameiwas Joan Mc-
Carthy, daughter of Dermod McCarthy, of Killoween. She had
three brothers and one sister. Her mother's name I forget, but she
was a daughter to McCarthy Reagh, of Carbery. Her eldest brother,
Colonel Florence, alias McFinnen, and his two brothers. Captain
Charles and Captain Owen, went in the defence of the nation against
Orange. Owen was killed in the battle of Aughrim. Florence had
a son, who retains the title of McFinnen. Charles I just remember,
He left two sons, — Derby and Owen. Derby married with EUena
Sullivan, of the SuUivans of Baunane. His brother Owen married
Honora Mahony, daughter of Dennis Mahony, of Dromore, in the
barony of Dunkerron, and also died in the prime of life, much
lamented.

^^ They were short-lived on both sides ; but the brevity of their

APPENDIX. 265

lives, to my great grief and sorrow, is added to the length of mine.
My mother's sister was married to Dermod, eldest son of Daniel
O'SuUivan, Lord of Dunkerron. Her son Cornelius, as I understand,
was with the Pretender in Scotland, in the year 1745. This is all I
can say about my origin ; but shall conclude with a Latin sentence : —

* Si Adam sit pater cunctorum^ mater et Eva :
Cur non sunt homines nohilitate 'pares ?
Non pater aut maier dant nobis nohilitatem;
Sed morihus et vita nobilitatur homo J '*

Not long after the decease of both father and son, the follow-
ing letter, addressed to the latter, reached New Hampshire : —

A granduncle of mine having gone to America about sixty years
ago, his relations have suffered greatly from being without the means
of finding out his fate, till now, by great good fortune, I am informed
that you are a son of his. If you find, by the account below, that I
have not been misinformed, I shall be glad to hear from you.

Mr. Owen 0*Sullivan, son of Major Philip O'SuUivan, of Ardea, in
the county of Kerry, Ireland, by Joanna, daughter of Dermod Mc-
Carthy, of Killoween, Esq., in said county. They were connected
with the most respectable families in the province of Munster, particu-
larly the Count of Bearehaven, McCarthy More, Earl of Clancare,
Earl Barrymore, the Earl of Thomond, the Earl of Clancarty,
McFinnen of Glanarough, O'Donoughu of Ross, O'Donough of Glynn,
McCarthy of Carbery, and O'Donovan, &c.

I am, sir, yours respectfully,

Philip O'Sullivan.

Akdea, May 16, 1796.

In explanation of the above documents, some passages are
presented from an account of Master Sullivan and bis progen-
itors, prepared for another purpose by the present writer.
They contain information, obtained not without labor, which
many may gladly possess. This would have been reserved for
thfe more extended biography contemplated; but life is pre-
carious, and that may never be accomplished. Inasmuch as
character is in some measure affected by transmitted traits, it
has a direct bearing on our subject. No apology is needed for

266 APPENDIX.

the distant starting-point or particularity of detail. The re-
cital will be as brief as a clear view of the circumstances
which shaped the incidents of his lot will admit.

The southerly portion of Ireland, consisting of the present
counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Clare, Tipperary, and
Waterford, forms what is known as the province of Munster.
It extends about one hundred miles in either direction, em-
bracing an area of nearly twelve thousand square miles. In
an old manuscript of the College Library at Dublin, McCarthy
More,* King of Desmond, bearing sway at Cork, O'Sullivan
More of Dunkerron, and O'Sullivan Beare of Dunboy, are
mentioned as the principal chieftains of Munster not long sub-
sequent to the English invasion. For many centuries prior to
that period, the O^Sullivan More chief of the Eugenian nobles,
so called from their descent from Owen More, had his princi-
pal residence at Knoc GraflFon, a strong castle near Cashel and
Clonmel on the river Suir, in Tipperary, at the eastern extre-
mity of Munster. After long but ineffectual resistance against
the English forces, they withdrew from the more exposed por-
tions of their inheritance to their mountain strongholds at

* More, or, in Erse, Mogha, was the customary designation of the eldest
lineal representative of the line of chieftains of the different septs or nations.
O'Sullivan More was the head of his sept, though the ruler, after the invasion,
only over his own principalities at Dunkerron and Iverah, comprising an area
of seven hundred square miles. The O'Sullivan Beare was the chief of Beare,
Bantry, Ardea, and Glanerough ; and his territories, land and water, extended
over about one thousand square miles. McCarthy More, Earl of Clancarre, who
died in 1696, was Prince of Desmond, and was succeeded by Florence, son of
McCarthy Reagh, who married the daughter of the Earl of Clancarre, and passed
forty years a prisoner in the Tower of London. The McCarthy Reaghs ruled
over Carberry. Another branch of the name possessed the principality of Du-
ballo, and their chief abode was the castle of Kanturk. The most prominent
in later days was a younger branch. Lords of Muskerry, whose principal resi-
dences were Blarney Castle, built about 1460, and Macroom. There were other
branches of the O'Sullivans, independent chiefltains. A cadet of the Dunkerron
line, resided at Drominagh Castle. Another branch were styled of the Reeks,
the high mountains near the lakes of Killarney . The castle of Ardea was on the
east side of the river Kenmare, about five miles from the castle of Dunkerron ;
the castle of Dunboy, still occupied, was at Castletown, on the west side, about
twenty miles to the south.

APPENDIX. 267

the southwest in the counties of Cork and Kerry, where, in the
principalities of Iverah, Duukerron, Beare, Bantry, and Glena-
rough, they erected the castles of Dunkerron, Cappanaacuish,
Dunboy, Ardea, and Bearehaven, as well as many other places of
strength. In these wild regions, remote from the English Pale,
and protected on every side by friendly septs or the sea, they
were less frequently disturbed than their more exposed neigh-
bors, and longer retained their property and independence.

The circumstances attending the English invasion are gene-
rally familiar, and need but a brief allusion. About the middle
of the twelfth century, Henry II. obtained from the sovereign
pontiflF Adrian IV.* the permission of the Catholic Church to
add the island to his dominions. A few years later, in 1169,
Dermot Macmurrogh, Prince of Leinster, exiled by Roderick,
King of Ireland, at the instigation of O'Rourke, whose wife
Dermot had abducted, solicited the intervention of the English.
This was the beginning of a long and imbittered struggle, —
on the one side for supremacy, on the other against subjuga-
tion, — which still at times seems smouldering in its ashes.
Superiority of numbers and resources finally triumphed ; and
Ireland, exhausted and overwhelmed, succumbed to her con-
querors.

Seven centuries earlier, Christianity had been introduced by
St. Patrick, and under St. Columba, in the sixth century,
took the place of druidical rites. Monastic institutions were
liberally endowed ; flourishing schools and colleges became the
resort of students from other countries ; and, in the eighth and
ninth centuries, the scholars of Ireland were among the most
distinguished at the courts of the Saxon kings and of Charle-
magne. If the general enlightenment were not in all respects
equal to that of more centrally situated portions of Europe,
its chiefs and rulers compared favorably in culture with any

* Adrian IV. was an Englishman, the only native of the British Isles ever
Pope. His name was Nicholas Breakspere. His pontificate began in 1164.

268 APPENDIX.

persons of the period of similar rank. After the Danes, who
had long ineflfectually striven to gain a foothold, were finally
defeated at Clonfert, Good Friday, 1012, by Brian Boru, its
forty-fourth Christian King, Ireland was for a time but little
disturbed by the presence of the stranger. Under the seven
succeeding monarchs, ending in Roderick, already mentioned,
important reforms in secular and ecclesiastical administration
promised to insure the blessings of good government, quiet,
prosperity, and progressive civilization.

These hopes were destined to be disappointed. Lust of con-
quest had few scruples, and inherent defects in social condition
tempted aggression. In the middle ages, and down to a com-
paratively recent period, everywhere throughout Europe, under
various modifications, could be recognized the feudal systemi
in some of its leading features. If less complicated than in
France and Germany, there existed in England, both under the
Saxon heptarchy and Norman rule, subdivision of authority
and territorial rights, subordination of parts to a whole. In
Ireland, the prerogative and authority of the monarch depended
much on personal character ; but under him were inferior kings,
as they were called, who were the actual rulers. Unfortunately
for the general safety, feuds and jealousies amongst these chief-
tains produced dissension, and prevented union in maintenance
of independence. They fell in consequence a more easy prey
to adventurers from abroad, to whose rapacity common in-
terests lent direction and strength. Before the Reformation,
English authority, though always aggressive, commanded little
obedience outside the Pale, then embracing the counties of
Dublin, Louth, Meath, and Kildare. Under Elizabeth, Crom-
well, and William of Orange, it took a wider sweep over the
land ; and coercive measures against the Catholics, instigated
by the prevailing intolerance of the times, and animosities
craftily provoked, afiforded convenient pretext for stripping tlie
native septs of their possessions. ,

This was more easily accomplished, from the fact, that Eug-

APPENDIX. 269

lishmen, who had participated in the early invasion, had estab-
lished themselves in various portions of the island ; and Burkes
and Butlers, and the various branches of the Geraldines,
intermarrying with the leading families, and identified witli
them in sentiment and interests, disarmed their jealousy, and
equally themselves opposed to English domination, which in-
terfered with their exercise of power, became, as it was said,
Hiberniores Hibernis, more Irish than the Irish themselves.
By matrimonial alliances, successive conquests, or grants from
the English monarchs when their arms were in the ascendant,
they gained accessions to their territories, interspersed with
those of the Milesian chieftains, who were thus precluded from
offering any effectual barrier against the steadily progressive
encroachments on their rights and liberties, or to the settled
policy of England to destroy their distinctive nationality.

Our present purpose warrants no detailed account of much
that is interesting in the laws and customs of Ireland under its
native princes ; but one of its more marked peculiarities ought
not to be overlooked. In dififerent climes or at different periods,
various forms of social organization, despotisms, or states feudal,
aristocratic or republican, have been established. But the
patriarchal system of the Irish septs, similar to that of the
Gaelic clans of the Scottish Highlands, —one which has not yet
wholly disappeared, — had in some respects the advantage of
them all. Large numbers of the same name, derived from a
common origin and occupying distinct portions of territory,
were gathered together in separate sovereignties.

Barely having occasion to wander far from their homes,
intermarrying much amongst themselves or with the septs in
their immediate neighborhood, attachment to their natal soil,
pride in their traditions, the necessity in troubled times of
union for mutual protection, drew constantly closer the ties
that bound them. These ties were political and military,* as
well as patriarchal and social. The head of the sept was not
merely its representative by right of primogeniture, but the

270 APPENDIX.

arbiter of its quarrels, the leader in its wars, lands and
castles vested in him as the feudal sovereign, but were held as
a sacred trust for his people, who, whilst they paid him ac-
customed tribute and were obedient to his rule, regarded him
and his immediate family with affectionate loyalty, shared his
hospitality, and never forgot they were his kinsfolk.

Each individual participated in the honors of his race. No
sense of social inferiority fretted his temper, or lessened self-
respect. The power of his chieftain, limited by established
usage, protected him in his rights ; and, in default of nearer
claimants to the headship of the clan, the supreme control
of its aflfairs might devolve upon himself or his descendants.
Courage, loyalty, and other chivalric virtues, sprang from con-
genial soil ; and all the resources of the sept being combined
for its general welfare, and likewise directed to work out the
prosperity and enjoyment of each member, however lowly, their
social condition, adapted as it was to the circumstances in
which they were placed, seemed peculiarly calculated to ensure
both security and happiness.

From the vicissitudes of war and consequent confiscations,
their various marriages whereby lands were acquired or granted
away, the limits of their territories varied at diflferent periods.
The province of Munster, originally divided for the most
part between the O'Briens of Thomond and their cognate
septs, the McCarthys More of Desmond, Duhallow, Carberry
and Muskerry, and the O'Sullivans More, Beare, of the Reeks
and McPinnen, was, after the twelfth century, encroached upon
by the Pitzgeralds, Earls of Desmond, Fitzmaurices of Kerry,
and families nearly allied to them, and the limits of the O'Sul-
livans were considerably reduced. At one period in the four-
teenth century, after some reverses, the Barnewalls, under
grant from the English Crown, took possession of a part of
their domains ; but the wars of the Roses, attracting home the
Butlers, who declared for York, and Fitzgeralds, who sided
with the house of Lancaster, the hold of the proprietors of

APPENDIX. 271

English race on their conquests was weakened, and the
O'SuUivans put to the sword the usurpers of their inheritance,
not a living male surviving. For the next three centuries,
they remained, if not unmolested, still able to maintain them-
selves in possession of their territories.

At the beginning of the seventeetlucentury, their limits are
described in a manuscript in the British Museum * as follows :
The O'SuUivan More is bounded upon the west, the ocean ;
upon the east, on McCarthy More ; upon the south, O'Sullivan
Beare ; upon the north, Kerry. The O'Sullivan Beare, upon
the west, the ocean ; upon the east, Muskerry ; upon the south-
east, Carberry ; upon the south, O'Driscol ; upon the north,
O'Sullivan More. According to an ancient map in Boswell's
Antiquities, the territories of O'Sullivan Beare, including
Glanerough, extend fifty miles from north-east to south-west by
twenty in greatest breadth. Those limits embrace the Bay of
Bantry, which in some places is ten miles wide. Dunkerron
and Iveragh, the country of the O'Sullivans More, measured
together about thirty-five miles by twenty.

A glance at the map of Munster, with the graceful indenta-
tions of its shores, its ranges of lofty mountains, its lakes and
streams, makes it easy to credit the enthusiastic descriptions of
its wild and romantic scenery, as presented by the magic pens
of the Halls, Macaulay, and other gifted writers. If not rich
in mineral wealth or agricultural products, this lovely region
was eminently suited for the abode of a patriarchal people,
who, in the chase of the elk and red deer that abounded in its
forests, in the fisheries in its bays and rivers and along its
coasts, found manly occupations in the intervals of war. The
character of their institutions was social, and occasions frequent
for assembling together for religious ceremonial, festive enter-
tainments, or the transaction of affairs. They are often de-
scribed by the English as inferior to themselves in civilization.

♦ Harleian MSS., 1425, pp. 24, 25.

272 APPENDIX.

Constant resistance to encroachment was not favorable to the
refinements of life, or to the useful arts ; and ignorance and
impoverishment must always suflfer in comparison where there
is ampler opportunity for cultivation.

How numerous were the inhabitants of these several coun-
tries, as the separate territories of the clans were designated,
can only be conjectured. When at the close of the Catholic
War, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a general
amnesty was ofiFered to the people of Munster, who had been very
generally engaged in the recent strife, of four thousand pardons
granted, five hundred and twenty-eight of the principal follow-
ers of O'Sullivan Beare, four hundred and eighty-one of those
of the O^SuUivan More, five hundred and forty-two of Mus-
kerry, two hundred and ten of McCarthy Beagh of Carberry,
are stated to have received them. Many of the former had
previously left the country with their chieftain, and more had
perished in these desolating wars. Notwithstanding this show
of forbearance, and disposition manifested on the part of the
conquered to avail themselves of the proffered amnesty, there
were many who were subjected to pains and penalties, exiled
and proscribed ; and laws of the most aggravating character
kept alive their resentment, and prevented any cordial recon-
ciliation. Every opportunity was improved to throw off" what
all candid Englishmen now readily admit to have been an in-
tolerable tyranny, and Munster was finally reduced to subjec-
tion by the destruction or impoverishment of the larger number
of its inhabitants.

It is idle to mourn over events growing directly out of
human infirmities, and constantly paralleled in other lands and
ages. But a candid consideration of the past yields the most
valuable lessons to statesmen who control the destinies of na-
tions. Had England been governed by a wise and more
generous policy towards Ireland, and respected the rights and
liberties, civil and religious, of its people, she would have been
spared a vast effusion of blood and waste of treasure, a heavy

APPENDIX. 273

responsibility for infinite misery and wretchedness. For cen-
turies, Ireland was an expense to her treasury. If its inhabit-
ants had been permitted the same privileges as Englishmen, they
would in process of time have become loyal, and, advancing in
prosperity and civilization, contributed in a larger measure to
her strength. To heap upon a favored few immense wealth,
which added little to their enjoyment, the masses were reduced
to a condition of predial servitude. The immunity of both
countries from foreign assailants has at times been dependent
upon their political consolidation, but persecution has only
served to strengthen the attachment of the Catholics to their
faith ; and there can be no loyalty to a government felt only in
oppression. More liberal measures have already been adopted.
Should tenures be made more permanent for those that till the
soil, education universal, and suffrage extended to all who read
and write ; if the funds set apart for the support of religion were
enlarged, so that, without infringing on vested rights, more
than one-sixth of the ecclesiastical revenues were applied to
the religious instruction of three-fourths of the people, — preg-
nant sources of discontent would be removed. Rancor for
ancient wrongs throws obstacles in the way of reparation, ren-
ders more insupportable existing restraints. Religious tolera-
tion, equality before the law, blending of nationalities, are
indispensable to tranquillity, progress, and strength.

Whatever obligations of fealty may have at times been recog-
nized to the monarchs of Ireland, these septs, during the long
period of resistance to English subjugation, were virtually
independent. What was known as the Brehon law had been
from time immemorial established for their government, and
was administered by their own courts and judges. They
had schools for instruction, bards, and historians ; and, devoutly
attached to the tenets of their church, monastic institutions
were founded, and religious rites observed. By this Brehon
law, when the heir of a deceased chief was incompetent, from
youth or infirmity, the headship devolved on the nearest of

274 APPEKDIX.

kin, possessed of sufiBcient experience, prudence, and ability to
administer affairs as Tanist. Incessantly engaged in feuds
amongst themselves, or in hostilities with foes from abroad
striving to subject them to a hated yoke, warfare was their
most usual employment, and demanded a leader in full vigor
of mind and body. Such a life, if not favorable to mechanical
employments or agricultural pursuits, fostered habits of hardi-
hood, activity, and subordination, rendered them thoughtful
and devout, and also encouraged a taste for song and record,
by which to preserve and transmit historical incidents.

During the lapse of centuries of strife, many of their more
precious chronicles perished. Their destruction was at one
period the settled purpose of the invaders, in order to break
down that traditional pride which rendered them united and
formidable. Fortunately, enough have been preserved to
throw much light on their early history. Romance necessarily
mingles with the remoter annals of every people, and historical
criticism has to discriminate what may be received with con-
fidence from statements obviously improbable, or which are
not susceptible of proof. The compilations of the Four
Masters from manuscripts transcribed from age to age, which
had been carefully preserved by the Druids, or, later, in
religious houses, are entitled to respect as they rest upon
authority as reliable as that on which we depend for our knowl-
edge of other nations. Faith may be at a loss how much to
believe of the successive migrations and struggles for the
mastery from the tenth century before the Christian Era, when
we are told that' the sons of Miletus by Scota, daughter of
Pharaoh, wrested the island from the Tuatha de Danaans, its
previous possessors. But, as we approach the epoch of authen-
tic history, these records inspire greater confidence. They were
submitted by the senachies of the various septs to the triennial
assemblies of Tara, and the incidents they relate cannot be
reasonably questioned.

Solicitude to determine with accuracy the lines of descent of

APPENDIX. 275

such as may possess or transmit hereditary rights, being a char-
acteristic trait in feudal and patriarchial communities, it was
likewise the duty of the senachies to enter upon record births,
deaths, and marriages, and furnish proof in all questions of
disputed succession or inheritance. It is consequently possible
to trace with comparative confidence the progenitors, from
generation to generation, of these Irish chieftains. As their
matrimonial alliances were for the most part confined to a few
neighboring families, comparison of their several records in-
sures greater exactitude. For many generations, the McCarthys,
O'Briens, Fitzgeralds, Fitzmaurices, and O'SuUivans were
closely allied by marriage in the immediate families of their
respective representatives ; and connections with the Roches,
Barrys, Butlers, Burkes of Clanrickard, and Brownes of Ken-
mare, were frequent among them. Our present purpose is
limited to some brief account of the O'SuUivans of Bearehaven,
including whatever promises to be of interest connected with
their origin.

From records reasonably authentic we can trace far back
their lineage, as also that of most other Milesian families.
Keating's "History of Ireland," the Harleian Manuscripts
in the British Museum, give their names, and of many of
them historical incidents have been preserved.* What early
civilization existed in Ireland is said to have been derived
through Spain, from the Scythians. According to Epiphanius,
quoted by Keating, " their customs and manners were received
by the other nations as the standards of polity, civility, and
polite learning ; and they were the first after the flood, who
attempted to refine mankind into notions of courtesy, into the
art of government, and practice of good manners." They are
mentioned with respect by Justin and Horace, for their courage,
purity of life, and noble traits of character. Several centuries
earlier, a portion of them, crossing the continent of Europe, or

* Harleian MSS., No. 1425, pp. 24, 25.

276 APPENDIX.

passing through the straits into the Mediterranean, established
themselves — as did also the Phoenicians, from whom the
Greeks derived their letters and literature — in Spain, where,
five centuries before the Christian Era, they are said to have
attained a considerable degree of civilization, being in constant
intercourse with Rome and Carthage. They were celebrated
for their works in metal, the excellence of their swords and
armor, for their musical attainments, and progress in refine-
ment. They early passed into Ireland, and carried with them
their language, laws, and customs.

In the second century, Conn reigned over Ireland; but
Owen, likewise descended from Heber Pionn, son of Miletus,
was his competitor for the throne. Owen, defeated, sought
refuge in Spain, where he remained nine years employed in
the military service of the king of that country, who gave
him his daughter Beara in marriage. Returning into Ireland
with a Spanish army, he landed at a harbor in the south-
westerly part of the island, which, in honor of his wife, he
called Bearehaven. He was soon joined by a numerous body
of kinsmen and followers, and, defeating Conn in ten succes-
sive engagements, compelled him to resign his authority over
the southerly part of the island. His son Olioll, in 237 King
of Munster, had by Sabia, daughter of Conn, seven sons, and
by will settled the crown of Munster by alternate succession
upon the two eldest; Desmond, or South Munster, being
the separate dominion of Owen, from whom descended the
McCarthys and O'SuUivans ; Thomond, or North Munster, of
Cormac Cas, from whom derive the O'Briens, McMahons, and
MacNamaras.

Owen, son of Olioll, married Moncha, daughter of Dill, a
Druid of noble birth, and in 260, their son Piacha Muilhethan
succeeded, and established himself at Knoc Graffon, near
Cashel, in the easterly part of Munster, " where his moat and
extensive intrenchments are still to be seen." This was the
birthplace of many of the early kings, and long continued

APPENDIX, 277

the abode of his descendants, being the chief seat of the
O'SuUivans at the time of the invasion. In 489, Angus, the
first Christian king of Munster, who had been converted and
baptized by St. Patrick, was killed in battle. He was the
common ancestor of many families of note, including the
O'Keefes, O'Donovans, McCarthys, and O'SuUivans, although
these names were not at that time adopted as family designa-
tions.* O'SuUivan More, in 909, was slain at the battle of
Maigh Ailbe, and in 943, another O'Sullivan More, with other
great chiefs of Munster, assembled and attacked the Danes,
whom they defeated. O'SuUivan acted as general of the con-
federacy, and, in personal conflict, slew Moran, son of the King
of Denmark. Donel More, eighth from the first who assumed
the name of O'Sullivan, and a lineal descendant from Eogan
More, was the ancestor of both branches of the O'SuUivan
More and O'Sullivan Beare and Bantry. In the fifth volume of
Sir William Betham's Baronetage will be found the pedigree
of the elder branch, to which belonged various personages
distinguished in the British civil service at the beginning of
the century. The first Baronet,t long a member of Parlia-
ment, published several works on historical and philosophical
subjects. In various historical and genealogical collections
are found materials for the history of the O'SuUivan Beare.

* From Aodd Duff, tenth generation from Olioll, great-grandson of Angus,
the first Christian king of Munster, sprang the McCarthys and O'Sullivans ; the
latter, according to authorities mentioned hy Keating/heing descended from
Florence, or Fynen, the elder brother. SuUivan, whose name was attached to
his descendants, was the eighteenth from OlioU. The elder branch of the
McCarthys, of Desmond, terminated in the male line in 1596, in Donel More,
Earl of Clancare, whose daughter Ellen married Florence, a younger son of Sir
Donogh McCarthy Eeagh, of Carberry. This Florence, recognized as McCarthy
More, was an able leader, but, defeated, passed forty years as a prisoner in the
Tower of London. He had four sons, of whom Daniel was his heir.

t The elder brother. Sir Benjamin O'Sullivan More, bom 1747, was judge of
the Supreme Court at Madras, married a daughter of Sir Digby Dent, and left
three sons. The second brother, John, bom 1749, of Richings Park, married
Henrietta Hobart, daughter of Earl of Buckinghams}iire. Henry Boyle, the
fourth, died unmarried.

278 APPENDIX.

Donnel More, the common ancestor of the two branches of
O^Sullivan More and Beare, was the twenty-fifth generation
from OlioU; and his great-grandson Anra-ny Lacken, — accord-
ing to the pedigree from the British Museum, Lord of Desmond,
and the first Lord of Beare and Bantry,in Munster, — flourished
sometime in the thirteenth century. Our limits forbid any
detailed account of this long line of chieftains. Our object is
simply to direct the attention of any who are interested, to
what is recorded of them..

Dermod, eleventh Lord of Beare and Bantry, came to an
untimely death from an explosion of gunpowder in his castle
of Dunboy, in 1549. He is described in the ancient chroni-
cles as " strong in war, formidable to his enemies, and dear to
his friends." His wife was Julia, daughter of Donnel, Prince
of Carberry, by Elinor Fitzgerald, daughter of Gerald, eighth
Earl of Kildare ; the mother of Donnel being daughter of
Donnel, ninth Lord of Bearehaven, who died in 1520. He
left four sons, mentioned in the Harleian Manuscript, already
cited.

1. Donnel, thirteenth Lord, killed in 1563, married Sarah
O'Brien, daughter of Sir Donaugh, Prince of Thomond, by
the daughter of the first Earl of Thomond. He was the father
of Donel, the fifteenth. Lord of Bearehaven, who was inaugu-
rated as chief of his country in 1593, and was the leader of
the Catholic armies in 1600. Overpowered by superior num-
bers, and discouraged by the defection of some of his allies
too ready to make peace, after many battles with various
fortune, he went into Spain, where he entered the Spanish
service, and was created Count of Bearehaven. He was
killed in 1618, aged fifty-seven. He married Ellen, daughter
of Owen O'Sullivan More, seventh Lord of Dunkerron. Their
son Dei;mod, second Count of Bearehaven, was page to
the King of Spain, Philip IV. In Thurloe's State Papers,
vol. i. 479, will be found a letter from the Bishop of Cork,
0' Sullivan Beare and O'SuUivan More, dated 1653, at Paris,

APPENDIX. 279

in reference to a landing of troops, estimated from eight to
fourteen thousand, in Munster. Smith, vol. ii. p. 236, ed. 1774,
says, that, in his time, there was an O'SuUivan Beare in Spain,
ennobled as Count of Bearehaven, who was hereditary gov-
ernor of Groyne. There is reason to believe that this line is
now extinct.

2. Sir Owen, fourteenth Lord of Beare and Bantry, married
Ellen, daughter of James, Lord Barry, and died 1594. In
1563, he succeeded his brother as chief, and, in 1570, received
a patent from the Crown, of the territories of his sept ; but his
nephew Donnell, when he came of age, claimed as his rightful
inheritance, Beare, Bantry, Ardea, and all other castles and
demesnes, including the castle and haven of Dunboy. It was
finally decreed that the castle of Beare, its haven and demesnes,
should be allotted to Donnell ; Bantry, about twenty miles
to the north-east, to Sir Owen ; saving to Sir Philip, younger
brother, and Tanist to the son of Sir Owen, the castle of
Ardea and its dependencies on the river Kenmare in Glen-
arough. Dermod, son of Sir Owen, married a daughter of
Cormac, Lord Muskerry, and died Lord of Beare and Bantry,
in 1617. Their son Dermod married Joan, daughter of Gerald
Fitzgerald, sixteenth Earl of Desmond, and, succeeding his
father, died in 1618.

3. Dermod, born 1526, married Johanna MacSweeney, grand-
daughter of McCarty More, Prince of Desmond. He was in
all the wars against the English in the reign of Queen Eliza-
beth, at the head of a large force from Beare, and in the
Catholic War was the adviser of his nephew Donald, with
whom he went into Spain about 1602. He received a pension
of six hundred pieces of gold from the Spanish king, and died
at Corunna, at the age of one hundred years, about 1626, his
wife dying the same year. His son Don Phillip published
soon after a history of Ireland in Latin, reprinted in 1850, to
which is prefixed a Latin elegy, giving an account of his
family. Another son, Daniel, was slain in fighting against the

280 APPENDIX.

Turks. His daughter Helena was drowned returning from
Spain, and another, Leonora, became a nun.
. 4. Sir Phillip, of Ardea, who, as Tanist to Sir Owen's son,
exercised the supreme authority, and held the castle of Ardea
appertaining to Tanistry, married a daughter of Cormack,
Lord of Duhallow, who built the celebrated castle of Kanturck,
still remaining in possession of the Earls of Egmont, — the
completion of which Queen Elizabeth ordered to be stayed
as too strong for a subject. He is mentioned by Betham as
residing at the castle of Ardea in 1613, with his son Donnel.
He is stated to have been the ancestor of Master Sullivan of
Berwick.

According to information procured from Ireland in 1860,
the three generations which connected Sir Phillip of Aixlea
with Owen, mentioned in the statement of Master Sullivan,
are as follows: Donnel, son of Sir Phillip, residing in the
castle of Ardea in 1613, is described in the pedigree from
the Ulster College of Arms as having married a daughter of
O'Sullivau More ; in another account, the daughter of Earl
of Clancarthy; Phillip, son of Donnel, Honora, daughter of
Lord Muskerry, of the castles of Macroom and Blarney ; *

* Corinic Laidir, Lord of Muskerry, who held the chieftainship of Muskerry
from 1448 to 1495, huilt the famous castle of Blarney, about three miles from the
city of Cork. It is still standing in ruins, and the Blarney Stone, which endows
all who kiss it with the faculty of persuasion and the gift of eloquence, is near
the top of the rampart, now only to be approached at considerable peril. The
son of Laidir, Cormac Oge, died 1524, having married a daughter of the ninth
Lord Kerry^ His son and heir, Teigue, died 1536, leaving Sir Cormac, friend of
Sir Henry Sydney, who died 1583, and who married Ellen Roche, daughter of
Lord Fermoy ; and Dermod, who died 1570. Sir Cormac, son of Derinod, died
in 1616. Cormac Oge, created Lord Blarney and Viscount Muskerry, married
Margaret, daughter of Donogh, fourth Earl of Thomond ; and his son Donogh,
marrying Ellena Butler, sister of James, Duke of Ormond, was created Earl of
Clancarthy, and died in 1666. His eldest son Charles, Lord Muskerry, married
Margaret Burke, daughter of Clanrickard ; and their son dying young, Callaghan*
his second son, who married Elizabeth, daughter of George, sixteenth Earl of Kil-
dare, by a daughter of Richard Boyle, Jfcarl of Cork, succeeded as second Earl of
Clancarthy. Donogh, his son, the third Earl, married Elizabeth Spencer, daughter
of the Earl of Sunderland, and, becoming involved in the ruin of the Stuarts,
was forced into exile, and lived on the Continent.

APPENDIX. 281

Donnel, son of Sir Phillip, Ellen, daughter of O^SuUivan More,
by Mary, daughter of Sir Edmond Fitzgerald of Cloyne,
Ellen through the Lords of Kerry and Earls of Desmond, de-
scended from Edward I.* These frequent connections by
marriage between the branches of Ardea and Dunkerron may
be explained by the circumstance, that the castle of Ardea
was about five miles, on the other side of the river Kenmare^
from the principal abode of the elder line.

If there should be any disposition to question the appropri-
ateness of these references to the remote ancestry of General
Sullivan, in connection with his military and civil services, in
another land, it will be admitted, on reflection, that whatever
circumstances connected with the subject of biography are in
themselves suggestive may well be stated. These circum-
stances, in this instance, are neither matter for pride nor for
humility ; but will afford many information, not without inter-*
est, nowhere else to be obtained without labor.

From the close of the Catholic war, in 1602, during the
reign of James I., and a portion of that of his unfortunate son,
the people of Munster were unmolested. This period of tran-
quillity naturally disposed them kindly towards the Stuarts ;
and, in 1641, they rose in mass against the Parliament forces.
From divided counsels, false-hearted friends that betrayed

* Burke in his " Landed Commoners," Vol. IV., xix., note to p. 668, speaking
of a daughter of Philip O'Sullivan of Glenarough, says, " She was a lineal de-
scendant of the Fitzgeralds, Earls of Desmond ; Barrys, Viscounts Buttevant ;
Butlers, Earls of Ormond; Fitzmaurioes, Lords Kerry; O'Briens, Kings of
Thomond ; De Burys, Earls of Cianrickard ; McCarthys, Princes of Des*
mond; McCarthy, Reagh, and Clancarthy; and through Joan Fitzmaurice, her
direct ancestress, daughter of Thomas, eighth Lord Kerry, and Lady Honora
Fitzgerald, descended from Humphrey De Bohun and Elizabeth, daughter of
Edward I. and William the Conqueror." This implies also descent from Alfred
and Charlemagne. Clares, De Courcys, De Lacys, and other well-known names^
honorably connected with the early history of England, largely intermarried with
the Munster families, many Scotch chiefs with those of Ulster. The broader
culture of the stranger, the restlessness, greed, and coolness of calculation, which
hare produced the highest civilization the world has attained, tempered and
strengthened the more generous and impulsive traits of the Milesian.

282 APPENDIX.

them, insubbrdinatioTi, and a want of prudence which placed
trust and confidence in weak-minded men who could not keep
their secrets, they were overpowered after stubborn resist-
ance by Cromwell's veterans. O'SuUivan of Drdminagh, and
his son, were slain n defence of their castle, and many morcf
of the leaders of the sept lost life and property in the strife.
Cromwell, in conformity with the views of Harrington, in his
"Oceana," that political power vests in the owners of the
soil, made sweeping confiscations, and directed that all who
opposed him should be forced from their possessions, and
driven into Connaught, and that their estates should be
distributed amongst his soldiers and the adventurers who
had supplied him with means for the war.

Upon the restoration of the Stuarts, in 1660, hope was
indulged that this wrong would be repaired. But Charles II.
knew no policy but his own selfishness, and quieted the dis-
possessed with promises not even intended to be kept. What
little religious sentiment ever gained ascendancy over him
through his fears prompted toleration of the Catholics. His
brother James was an avowed member of that church. The
septs of Munster shed their blood like water at Aughrim and
in numerous other hotly contested encounters for his cause.
It ended in disaster ; and, exhausted and overwhelmed, what
remained to them of their territory was confiscated, and those
who were left in the land reduced to a condition of destitution
and dependence.

All who were able sought in the military or civil service
of foreign lands the independence no longer permitted them
in their own. Major Phillip lived many years in France. The
son of his wife's sister by O'SuUivan More was, in 1745, the
friend and companion of Prince Edward, the son of the Pre-
tender. His rank in the service was Adjutant-General ; but,
during the earlier and more fortunate part of the enterprise,
the prince was guided by his counsels. Later, when the forces
collected by the government were too numerous for any rea-

APPENDIX. 283

soDable hope to be lefl them of success, the Scottish chieftains
had exclusive control of the movements. Sullivan accom-
panied the prince from the fatal battle of Culloden, and
remained with him until the chance of escape was diminished
by so many being together. Having done all he could to
aid the flight of the prince, he went over to the Continent.*

What part the family of Ardea took in the Catholic War or
subsequent strife under Cromwell, in defence of their property
and religious rights, does not appear. O'Sullivan More lost a
large portion of his territories in the latter, period. In 1653,
he was in Paris with the Count of Bearehaven from Spain,
making preparations for a descent on Munster, as mentioned
above, with money furnished through the French king. After
1660, all branches of the race enjoyed a brief respite of quiet
and prosperity; but, taking part with James II. against William
of Orange, they were proscribed and banished. Major Phillip
was with the garrison of Limerick, that, after a stubborn
resistance, surrendered in 1691.

By the terms of surrender, such of the Catholics as were
unwilling to abandon their religion, and take unconditional
oaths of allegiance to the English Government, were to be
furnished with transportation to France; and amongst those
who preferred poverty and exile to this humiliation was
Major Phillip. He had married Joanna, daughter of Dermod
McCarthy More, descended from the Earl of Clancarre, — who
died in 1596, — by Ellen, daughter of McCarthy Reagh and
Elinor, daughter of Lord Muskerry, who thus united in her

* Lord George Murray, in order to justify himself, attributes the want of suc-
cess to his having been thwarted in his plans by the counsels of Sullivan and
Sheridan. This view has been taken by Scottish writers. It is not without
precedent that fiiult seeks vindication in the accusation of others. Murray, with
much talent for command, was overbearing, and, no doubt, offended those who
opposed him. But, when he assumed command, the forces gathering imder
Cumberland had rendered the enterprise hopeless ; and, though Lord Mahon
entertains the idea that the march on London would have replaced the Stuarts
on the throne, Murray was probably wise in dissuading a rash procedure, which
would, in all probability, have been a futile waste of life..

284: APPENDIX.

person the three principal branches of McCarthy More, Beagfa,
and Muskerry. Their property was confiscated, though some
{)art of it seems to have been restored. The date of his death,
from the wound received in a duel in France, as mentioned by
his son, is not known. He appears to hare left another son
besides the subject of this notice, who was born on the seyen-
teenth of June, 1690, at Ardea, in the county of Kerry.

Little is known of his education. From its extent and
thoroughness, it was probably at some one of the seminaries
on the Continent, where his family in their prosperity liad
endowed, as was customary at the time, scholarships for the
benefit of its members. He returned to Ireland to find even
the terms of the surrender disregarded, and entered upon life
under many discouragements. His original destination was
for the priesthood, but this appears to have been early aban-
doned« Different traditions have been handed down with
regard to his coming to America ; but that which connects him
.with the efforts to restore the Stuarts after the death of Queen
Anne would seem the most probable. The first, in 1716, was
soon suppressed. Another in 1721, under the lead of the
Duke of Ormond, was equally unfortunate ; and it was in 1723
that he left his native land.

Seeking a retreat from calamities and persecutions that en*
viroued him at home, he came over the sea, trusting to find in
the rapid development of our newly settled country, then as
now the refuge of the unfortunate, opportunities to acquire
independence. He brought with him the advantages of a good
education, and had not been long in America before the cir-
cumstance that he was a good mathematician, and acquainted
with several languages besides his own, attracted the attention
of an estimable clergyman of the period. Dr. Moody. This
kind-hearted man immediately took measures to his being
engaged as a teacher, which to an advanced period of life con-
tinued his principal vocation. Several generations of the
youth of a large section of country on the borders of Maine

APPENDIX. 285

and New Hampshire grew into life, prepared for its duties by
a training, which, according to the traditions of the neighbor-
hood, was not confined to the ordinary rudiments of grammar
and arithmetic, but partook in a degree of the varied and
-substantial accomplishments of his own.

The farm which he occupied consisted of nearly eighty acres
of laud, in South Berwick, on the bank of the river, opposite
Great Falls, now a large and thriving manufacturing village.
When he established himself, more than a century ago, in this
beautiful spot, there were saw-mills on the streams, but all
else was wild or rural ; the primeval forest having been but
partially encroached upon by the fields and pastures of recent
settlers. Nothing now remains of the dwelling, where he re-
sided for fifty years, but some slight excavations, with a portion
of the cellar-walls. The barn was destroyed by fire about
seven years since. His tomb and monument, surrounded by
an iron fence, erected by his descendants. Governor Wells and
others, stand in good preservation, not far from the bridge to
Great Falls, on the farm near his former abode; a usage of
ancient date in sparsely peopled parts of New England.

In an obituary notice, he is stated to have died at Berwick
on Saturday, June 20, 1795, at the age of one hundred and
five years and three days. " This respected and extraordinary
character was employed till he was ninety in teaching public
or private schools, and perhaps few persons ever difinsed so
much useful learning. At this advanced age he retired,
lamenting that he could no longer be beneficial to mankind."
f^ He wrote a good hand till he was one hundred and two, and "
is said, after he had reached that age, to have occasionally
ridden in the saddle from Berwick to Durham, thirty miles as
4;he roads then were, to visit his son, General Sullivan, and to
have returned the same day. '' His chief amusement, until

•

the last year of his life, was reading, at which time he almost
totally lost his eyesight. This he called the most afflicting
stroke he ever met with. Worn down with the weight of

286 APPENDIX.

years, and cut off from his favorite amusement, he seemed
desirous to meet his approaching dissolution. He was a
'Stranger to pain till within a few months of his death.

'* He bore its infliction with becoming resignation, giving such
evidence of his belief in the Christian religion, and of a well-
grounded hope of future happiness, as to make his transit
appear more to be wished than dreaded. He continued to
converse sensibly till seven days before his death, wlien his
speech failed him. In an apparent state of devotion, buoyed
up above every fear, and apparently insensible to pain, he met
the king of terrors with a fortitude that must have appeared
surprising to any one who had not himself experienced the
-happiness of a well-grounded hope.

" His integrity, uprightness in his dealings, his benevolence
and hospitality, together wiih his instructive conversation and
desire to be useful, insured him the veneration and esteem of
all that knew him." Generations have passed since he died,
but the traditions of his worth and services are not yet wholly
effaced.

Mrs. Sullivan had come with him to this country as a child,
and when she grew up to womanhood became his wife. She
possessed great personal beauty and force of character ; and to
her influence, as well as to that of their father, may be ascribed
the energy and vigor which made their children distinguished.
She survived him several years, dying in 1801, at the age of
eighty-seven.
. Their children were, —

1. Benjamin, an officer in the British navy. He was lost
at sea, some years before the separation of the colonies from
the mother country.

2. Daniel, born about 1738, was married at Fort Pownall,
in the town of Prospect, in the county of Waldo, June 14,
1765, to Abigail, daughter of John Bean, by James Crawford,
Esq. Daniel Beau, of York, with others his associates, ob-
tained a grant of what is now Sullivan, and a part of Hancocki

APPENDIX. 287

a tract about six miles square, from the provincial govern-
ment ; and here, with some of his neighbors in York, of the
name of Preble, Gordon, Plaisdell, Johnson, and Hammiond,
he had established himself about the time Daniel was married.
After his death, June 21, 1785, the town, under the name of
Sullivan, was confirmed to the settlers upon their payment of
jS 1,205 consolidated notes into the treasury, a small portion
of the territory, nine thousand acres, being reserved in 1800,
when the Legislature remodified its grant, to Bowdoin and
Williams Colleges. Before the Revolutionary War, there were
forty families within the limits of the town. These, at its close,
had been reduced to twenty. At the present time, it is a flour-
ishing seaport, building many vessels, manufacturing many
articles of value, and sending far and wide excellent granite,
which has been used in the fortifications of New York, and
elsewhere for docks, custom-houses, and other edifices.

Sullivan is situated at the upper end of Frenchman Bay,
a wide sheet of water, often compared, from its graceful out-
lines, lovely islands, s^id the lofty mountains rising from its
shores, to the Bay of Naples. The island of Mount Desert,
which forms its westerly bound, is annually visited by artists
and persons of taste from all parts of the country. Extending
southerly from the main part of Sullivan is a neck of land
stretching into the bay, called Waukeag Point, from the name
attached by the Indians to the neighborhood. On the south-
erly end of this Point, about four miles from the harbor,
Daniel erected his dwelling, built several saw-mills, engaged
fa navigation, and here were born to him five children, — one
son and four daughters. For the ten years following his mar-
riage he was eminently prosperous ; but when hostilities com-
menced with the mother country, finding his residence exposed
to predatory attack from British cruisers, he removed his saws,
and discontinued his works.

Throughout the war he was energetic and devoted, raising
and commanding a force of minute^men, and, by his activity

288 APPENDIX.

and fearlessness, did good service to the cause. In 1779, he
was with his company at the siege of Castine, and, after re-
turning home, he kept them in readiness for action, inflicting
many heavy blows upon the enemy. The English and Tories
made several attempts to capture him, which, from the con*
stant vigilance of the patriots, were ineffectual. But one stormy
night in February, 1781, a British war vessel, the Allegiance,
commanded by Mowatt, who burnt Falmouth, now Portland,
anchored below the town, and landed a large force of sailors
and marines. The house was silently invested ; and Captain
Sullivan aroused from his slumbers, to find his bed surrounded
by armed men. He was hurried to the boat, and his dwelling
fired so suddenly that the children were with difiiculty saved
by their mother, and a hired man who lived in the family.
Taken to Gastine, his liberty and further protection from harm
were tendered him, on condition he took the oath of allegiance
to the king. Rejecting these proposals, he was carried prisoner
to Halifax, and thence sent to New York, where he was put
on board that vessel of infamous mempry, the Jersey hulk,
where he remained six months. Exchanged, he took passage
for home, but died on the Sound, not without suspicion of
having been poisoned, though probably, like many others, he
was the victim of the barbarities of the British provost, v^ho,
either of his own accord or by instruction, subjected his pris-
oners to unparalleled privations.

James, his only son, born December, 1775, married Han«
nah Preble, of York, who deceased 1857. He resided at Sullivan,
on the estate of his father, at the Point, in the house that was
rebuilt after the conflagration by Mowatt in 1780. He was
engaged early in life in navigation, and afterwards in the care
of his farm. He was a man of good sense, fond of reading,
took a lively interest in public affairs, and in his political
affinities was an ardent Democrat. He died 30th August, 1830,.
without issue. His sister Lydia, born March, 1774, also resided
at the Point witli her brother, and died there, nearly eighty

APPENDIX. 289

years old, in 1852. PrMn the other daughters of Daniel are
descendants of many names in Maine and neighboring States.
4. James, born at South Berwick, 22 April, 1744, was edu-
cated by his father, studied law with his brother John at Dur-
ham, and first established himself in his profession at George-
town, at the mouth of the Kennebec. In 1770, he was ap-
pointed King's Attorney for York; in 1774, he was sent
delegate to the Provincial Congress; in 1775, elected Judge
of Admiralty ; in 1776, Judge of the Supreme Court ; 1783,
1784, 1785, he was chosen delegate to Continental Congress,
and also member of Massachusetts Legislature ; in 1787, he was
in Governor's Council ; in 1778, Judge of Probate ; 1790 to

1807, Attorney-General ; 1796, on commission for determining
boundary between Maine and the British Lower Provinces ;
in 1804, elector of President when the electoral college of
Massachusetts cast its votes for Thomas Jefferson ; in 1807,

1808, Governor of Massachusetts, in which office he died.
His principal writings, besides numberless addresses, offi-
cial documents, and contributions to the public journals, were
his "History of Maine," 1795, and " Land Titles," 1801.
Among his many papers in the Collections of the Massachusetts
Historical Society is a "History of the Penobscots." An
answer to a publication of Mr. Thachor,,on the subject of the
pastoral relation, in 1784, was his earliest separate work. In
1791 appeared his " Observations on the United-States Govern-
ment ; " in 1792, " Path to Riches," on money and banks ; in
1794, " Altar of Baal ; " in 1798, " Letters on the French Rev-
olution ; " in 180l> " Constitutional Freedom of the Press."
A work on Criminal Law, if completed, was never published.
** An Address to Young Men on the Dangers of a Vicious
Life," is in the list of works to be included in an edition of
his writings proposed in 1809.

He was one of the original members of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, and its first president from 17*91 to 1806.
With the Massachusetts Congregational Charitable and the

290 APPENDIX.

Humane Societies, with that for Propagating the Gospel, and
the Academy of Arts and Sciences, he was long associated as
member or presiding officer. Of the Middlesex-Canal and
Boston-Aqueduct Corporations he was the president till he
died, and among the most energetic in their projection and
construction.

An interesting obituary was published of him by President
John Quincy Adams; a funeral sermon, by Rev. Joseph
Buckminster, his pastor ; a memoir of him, by James Winthrop
for the Historical Collections ; a sketch of his character and
professional life, by Knapp, in his " Lives of Eminent States-
men ; " and a biography, in two volumes, by his grandson,
Thomas C. Amory, which was published on the 10th of
December, 1858, fifty years after his decease.

5. Eben was also educated to the bar. After the surrender
at the Cedars, in 1776, he volunteered as a hostage among
the Indians, who would have put him to torture and death,
but for a British officer, who interposed to save him after the
fagots had already been kindled to burn him. Discovering
that the enemy refused to comply with the stipulations,
and the conduct towards him of the savages being con-
trary to all rules of civilized warfare, as his life was
constantly threatened, and he was subjected to indignities, he
came to the conclusion he was under no further obligation
to remain. Watching his opportunity, when the Indians,
on some festive occasion, after their games, dances, 'and
carouse, ha<} sunk at night into profound slumber, and the
two sentinels, cheated out of their vigilance by his pretended
sleep, were taking their repose, he glided silently out of the
camp, and made for the bank of a neighboring river, in order
to swim across to a Dutch settlement which he knew to be on
the opposite shore.

The shout of his pursuers was heard as he entered the
water, and when near the middle of the stream, the plash of
their dog, a large and ferocious animal, as it entered the river.

APPENDIX. 291

He turned, and as the dog approached managed with one
hand, while he supported himself by the other, treading water,
to press its head beneath the surface, and, having drowned it,
to effect his escape. Some days later, fearing that, having
volunteered as a hostage, his honor might be implicated by
his flight, he surrendered himself to a British officer, and was
taken to Montreal. It was many months before his exchange
could be regularly arranged so as to admit of his resuming
active service, much to his chagrin, as shown by various of
his letters in print. He served at Rhode Island and on other
occasions, leaving behind him a very honorable reputation as
a gallant officer.

Mary, the only daughter, married Theophilus Hardy, and
was the ancestress of Governor Samuel Wells, of Maine, who
died July 15, 1868 ; of the late John Sullivan Wells, of Exeter,
N.H., who was in the Senate of the United States, Attorney-
General, of New Hampshire, and who presided over both
branches of the State Legislature ; of Joseph B. Wells, for-
merly Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois ; and of Frederick B.
Wells, who was many years consul at Bermuda.

II.

ANECDOTES OF EARLY LIFE.

The following version is given by Mr. Brewster, in his
" Rambles about Portsmouth," of Sullivan's early connection
with his profession : —

It was not far from the year 1756 that a lad of fifteen years, with
a rough dress, might have been seen knocking at the door of Judge
Livermore, and asking for the Squire.

" And what can you do, my lad, if I take you ? "

" Oh, I can split the wood, take care of the horse, attend to the
gardening, and perhaps find some spare time to read a little, — if you
can give me the privilege."

292 APPENDIX.

John Sullivan — for that was the name he gave — appeared to-be
a promising lad, and so he was received into Mr. Livermore's Jtitchen,
and was entrusted with various matters relating to the work of the
house and stable. Mr. L., finding him intelligent, encouraged bis
desire to read, by furnishing from his library any books he wished ;
and with this privilege he improved every leisure moment. Libraries
then were not so extensive as now ; but the position of Mr. L. gave
him a very good one for the times, and among them the most choice
legal works of the day. John was permitted at times to take a seat
in the library room, and he had the care of it in Mr. Livermore's
absence.

One evening there had been some trouble in the town, which re-
sulted in a fight. As has been the custom in later days, so then, the
party which received the greatest drubbing prosecuted the other for
assault and battery. The case was to be brought before Deacon
Penhallow, at his house on the south-east comer of Pleasant and Court
Streets. The best legal talents were needed for the defence to save
the culprit from the stinging disgrace of being placed in the stocks,
— not squeezed in corporation stocks, but in those formidable pieces
of timber which were^ standing for years near the south-east corner
of the Old North Church. The defendant at once resorted to the
office of Mr. Livermore. He was absent, and John was reading in
the library room. The man, supposing that any one from an office
so celebrated might answer his purpose, asked John if he would not
undertake his case. John, on the whole, concluded to go ; and, leaving
word in the kitchen that he should be absent awhile, trudged off with
his client. He soon learned the merits of the case, and having given
some attention to the law books, and acquired some knowledge of the
forms of trial, he had confidence that he might gain the case. The
charges were made, the blackened eyes and bruises were shown, and
the case looked awful for John's client.

While this trial was going on, Mr. Livermore returned fro^l his
journey ;• and, on inquiring for John to take care of the horse, was
told that he had gone off to Deacon Penhallow's to defend a suit.
Mr. L.'s curiosity was excited. He put the horse in the stable, and,
without awaiting his supper, slipped into a room adjoining the court,
and, without being seen by the parti*es, listened to the trial. John
had just commenced his argument, which was managed with good
tact, and exhibited native talent and as much knowledge of law as
some regular practitioners. John was successful, his client was ac-
quitted, and John received here his first court fee. •

APPENDIX. 293

Mr. L. returned as obscurely as he entered. The next morning,
John was called into the library room, and thus addressed : " John,
my kitchen is no place for you : follow on in your studies, give them
your undivided attention, and you shall have that assistance you need
from me until you are in condition to repay it."

The result is well known. John Sullivan became eminent at the
bar, became conspicuous as General in the army of the Revolution,
and, after the peace, was for three years President of New Hampshire.
He was afterwards District Judge. He died at Durham in 1795, at
the age of 54.

General Sullivan was of Irish descent. His father was bom [in
Ardea in 1691], came to Berwick, Me., as early as the year 1723,
and died in 1796, aged 105 years. His mother came over several
years after from Cork. She was born in 1714, and died in 1801,
aged 87. She was of a rough' though noble-minded cast. The
father's education was good, and together they enjoyed honorable
poverty in early life.

The tradition is, she came over with her future husband. Another
account states, " Her peculiarities of temper are still remembered ;
but all speak with respect of her devotion to her family, and con-
stant acts of kindness to her neighbors. If they were ill, she
watched by their bedsides ; and if in sorrow, was ever ready with
kind words of consolation."

An incident which occurred a few years later has been thus
related ; many additional particulars which have been trans-
mitted in print or correspondence being omitted : —

" At the time of John's first settlement at Durham, a town rich
in fertile farms, its inhabitants were devoted to the peaceable pur-
suits of rural life. There prevailed among them a strong prejudice
against lawyers. It was believed that they were a class not required
in the community ; that they fomented litigation for their own pur-
poses, and craftily devoured the substance of their neighbors. Re-
solved, if possible, to secure their village from the presence of all
such promoters of discord, some energetic young men gave the newly
settled counsellor notice to quit Durham, threatening personal coer-
cion if this peremptory order were not speedily obeyed. Nothing
daunted by this open and decided show of hostility, John Sullivan
informed them that he should not think of it ; and, if they cared to
resort to force, they would always find him ready. The people of
the town became greatly excited, and took different sides in the

294 APPENDIX.

quarrel ; collisions occurred between the parties, and, in the progress
of the dispute, one of the assailants was severely though not danger-
ously wounded by an over-zealous adherent of Mr. Sullivan. The
affair already wore a serious aspect, when a truce was called, and it
was finally determined to settle the question by a personal conflict
with any combatant the assailants should select. Their chosen cham-
pion not being considered a fair match for the elder brother, who
possessed great physical strength, James, at his own request was sub-
stituted to do battle for the law. The encounter took place at the time
appointed, and James came off the victor. The people, acquiescing
in the result of this ordeal, ever after placed the greatest confidence
in John Sullivan ; and he soon became, and continued through life,
their most beloved and popular citizen." — Life of James Sullivan,
Vol, /., page 33.

The following extract from a letter of John Adams to his
wife, dated York, June 29, 1774, throws light upon the
early professional success and practical good sense of both
brothers : —

" There is very little business here, and David Sewall, David Wyer,
John Sullivan and James Sullivan, and Theophilus Bradbury, are
the lawyers who attend the inferior courts,. and, consequently, con-
duct the causes at the superior.

" I find that the country is the situation to make estates by the law.
John Sullivan, who is placed at Durham, in New Hampshire, is
younger, both in years and practice, than I am. He began with
nothing, but is now said to be worth ten thousand pounds, lawful
money ; his brother James allows five or six, or perhaps seven, thou-
sand pounds, consisting in houses and lands, notes and mortgages.
He has a fine stream of water, with an excellent corn-mill, saw-mill,
fulling-mill, scythe-mill, and others, — in all, six mills, which are both
his delight and his profit. As he has earned cash in his business at
the bar, he has taken opportunities to purchase farms of his neigh-
bors, who wanted to sell and move out further into the woods, at an
advantageous rate, and in this way has been growing rich. Under
the smiles and auspices of Governor Wentworth, he has been pro-
moted in the civil and military way, so that he is treated with great
respect in this neighborhood.

" James Sullivan, brother of the other, who studied law under him,
without any academical education (and John was in the same case),

APPENDIX. 295

is fixed at Saco^ cdias Biddeford, in our province. He began with
neither learning, books, estate, nor any thing but his head and hands,
and is now a very popular lawyer, and growing rich very fast, pur-
chasing great farms, and is a justice of the peace and a member of
the General Court."

A few days later he says, " I dined with Mr. Collector Francis
Waldo, Esq., in company with Mr. Winthrop, the two Quincys, and
the two Sullivans, all very social and cheerful, — full of politics.
S. Quincy's tongue ran as fast as anybody's. He was clear in it that
the House of Commons had no right to take money out of our pockets
more than any foreign state ; repeated large paragraphs from a pub-
lication of Mr. Burke's in 1766, and large paragraphs from Junius
Americanus."

As JuDias and Americanus were frequent signatures affixed
by James Sullivan to his contributions to the press for the
rest of his life, this conversation may not have been without
some influence over their selection.

III.

ATTACK ON THE FORT AT NEWCASTLE.

There has been some controversy as to who planned, di-
rected, and participated in this attack. Captain Eleazer Ben-
nett, who died in Durham, 1852, at the age of a hundred
and one, made the following statement : —

On the 15th of December, 1774, he was in the employment of
General Sullivan,' at his mill at Packer's Falls, when Micah Davis
came up from Durham and told him he wished him to come down and
go to Portsmouth, and to get anybody he could to come with him.
The party consisted of about a dozen men. Their names were, so far
as he could remember, Major John Sullivan, Captain Winborn Adams
(afterward a colonel, killed in the war), Ebenezer Thompson (after-
wards Judge Thompson), John Demeritt, Alpheus and Jonathan Ches-
ley, John Spenser, Micah Davis, Isaac and Benjamin Small, Eben
Sullivan, and himself. Greneral Alexander Scammell, killed at York-
town, John Griffin, and James Underwood were also of the party.

296 ' APPENDIX.

They took a gondola belonging to Benjamin Mathes, who was too
old to accompany them, and went down the river from Durham to
Portsmouth. It was a cold, clear, moonlight night. Stopping a short
time at Portsmouth, they were joined by John Langdon with another
party. They then proceeded to the fort, in possession of the British,
at the mouth of Piscataqua harbor: the water was so shallow, that
they could not bring their boat to within a rod of the shore. They
waded through the water in perfect silence, mounted the fort, surprised
the garrison, took the captain (Cochran) and bound him, and frightened
away the soldiers. In the fort they found one hundred casks of pow-
der and one hundred small arms, which they brought down to their
boat Again wading through the water, that froze on them, they made
their way back to Durham. The arms were found to be defective,
and unfit for use. A portion of the powder was taken by Major De-
meritt to his house in Madbury ; but most of it was stored under the
pulpit of the meeting-house in Durham, on the site of the one that
was taken down in 1848. This powder Captain Bennett understood
was afterwards carried to Charlestown, and used by the patriots in the
battle of Bunker Hill.

To the Honorable John Sullivan^ Esq,, Bngadier-General of the

Continental Army,

Sir, — The Committee of Safety for the County of Hillsborough,
in the Colony of New Hampshire, having in contemplation the great
services you lately rendered the county in your civil capacity, and
the great abilities you then exerted at the bar in their defence, at a
time when the people were most cruelly oppressed by the tools of
Government, pray leave to address and congratulate you on your
appointment to the rank of Brigadier-General, — an appointment
which, as it distinguishes your merit, so at the same time it reflects
honor upon and shows the penetrating discernment of those truly emi-
nent patriots from whom you received it, and of whom are composed
the Continental Congress. Nor are we less sanguine in our expecta-
tions of the high advantages which must result (under God) to the
public, by your military skill and courage, as you have been inde-
fatigable in attaining the first, and have given a recent instance of the
latter to your great honor and reputation, in depriving our enemies
the means of annoying us at Castle William and Mary, and at* the
same time furnishing us with materials to defend our invaluable rights
and privileges.

APPENDIX. 297

This, Sir, must be ever had in remembrance, and, amongst the
actions of others our heroes of 1775, handed down to the latest pos-
terity. That the Almighty may direct your councils, — be with you
in the day of battle, — and that you may be preserved as a patron to
this people for many years to come, is our fervent prayer.
July 19, 1775.

IV.

MILITARY ASSOCIATION AT DURHAM.

[New-Hampshire Gazette, March 10, 1776.]

Whereas some evil-minded and malicious persons have affected
that a number of people in the town of Durham are about forming
themselves into a company, in order to throw off all obedience to the
militia officers, and set at defiance the laws of the Government, I
desire you to publish the Articles of inlistment in your next paper,
that the public may judge how little foundation there is for so scan-
dalous a report. The articles are as follows : —

" We, the subscribers, do hereby agree to form ourselves into a com-
pany, and meet at Durham Falls on every Monday afternoon, for six
months next coming, to acquaint ourselves with the military art, and
instruct each other in the various manoeuvres and evolutions which
are necessary for infantry, in time of battle ; we also agree to appear
each time, well furnished with arms and ammunition, and at our
firat meeting, to nominate and appoint the several officers who are to
preside over us for the first month ; and then proceed to appoint others
for the next month, — always avoiding to re-elect any that have served,
until all the others have gone through their tour of duty as officers.
And at any muster or field day we shall hold ourselves obliged to in-
corporate with the respective companies to which we belong, and yield
all due obedience to the proper officers of the militia appointed by the
Captain-General, and endeavor to instruct those who are undisciplined,
in the best manner we are able."

(Signed by Eighty-two reputable Inhabitants.)

This is an exact copy of the articles, which any person that
yet remains in doubt may be satisfied of by applying to me, and
viewing the original, a sight of which may at any time be had ;

298 APPENDIX.

and was there nothing more illegal and injurious in a late paper,
signed by several persons in this Province, I believe the signers
would not take so much pains in keeping it from the public view.
But, whatever may be the purport of that, I rejoice in laying
the contents of this before the people, that they may judge
whether it has the least appearance of an illegal combination, or
whether, on the contrary, it does not appear to be a well-concerted
plan to promote and encourage the military art. I flatter myself that
even malice itself could not adjudge this to be an unjustifiable meas-
ure, or suggest that any part of it looks like treason or rebellion ; and
I can account for the scandalous report concerning it in no other way
but by supposing that these defamers expected to be rewarded for
their slander.

Sir, I am your very humble servant, John Sullivan.

DuBHAM, March 4, 1775.

LETTER OF GENERAL SCAMMELL.

Alexander Scammell was a student at law with General
Sullivan. He entered the army at the coipmencement of the
Revolution, and rose rapidly in the estimation of Washington
and of the country. He was Adjutant-General at Yorktown,
in October, 1781, when he was killed in an attack on the
works of the enemy. He was warmly attached to Sullivan,
who reciprocated his regard, and who was always pleased to
have him in his command. The following letter, written
soon after the battle of Lexington to Sullivan, absent in
attendance on the Congress at Philadelphia, needs no expla-
nation : —

Honored Sm, — Your leaving New Hampshire at a time when
your presence was so extremely necessary to cherish the glorious
ardor which you have been so nobly instrumental in inspiring, spread
a general gloom in Durham, and in some measure damped the spirit
of liberty throughout the province. Nothing but the important busi-

APPENDIX. 299

ness in which you are embarked permitted any degree of patience or
resignation. When the horrid din of civil carnage surprised us on
the 20th of April, the universal cry was, " Oh, if Major Sullivan
was here ! *' "I wish to God Major Sullivan was here ! " ran through
the distressed multitude. April court, which was then sitting, imme-
diately adjourned. To arms ! to arms ! was breathed forth in
sympathetic groans. I went express for Boston by desire of the
Congressional committee, then sitting at Durham ; proceeded as far
as Bradford, where I obtained credible information that evening;
and next morning arrived at Exeter, where the Provincial Congress
was assembling with all possible haste.

I reported the intelligence I had gained, that the American army
at Cambridge, Woburn, and Charlestown was in more need of pro-
vision than men ; that fifty thousand had assembled in thirty-six
hours ; and that the Regulars, who had retreated from Concord,
had encamped on Bunker's Hill in Charlestown. The Congress
thereupon resolved that the Durham company, then at Exeter (armed
complete for an engagement, with a week's provision) , should return
home, and keep themselves in constant readiness ; all the men being
gone from the westward and southward of Newmarket, and men-of-
war expected hourly into Portsmouth. It was with the greatest diffi-
culty your Durham soldiers were prevailed upon to return.

Six or seven expresses arrived at Durham the night after our
return ; some desiring us to march to Kittery, some to Hampton,
some to Ipswich, which places they said sundry men-of-war were
ravaging. The whole country was in continual alarm. Suspecting
that the marines at Portsmouth might take advantage of the confusion
we were in, and pay Durham a visit, we thought proper to stand
ready to give them a warm reception ; and supposing that your
house and family would be the first mark of their vengeance, although
I had been express the whole night before, I kept guard to defend
them to the last drop of my blood. Master Smith, being under
the* same apprehension, did actually lie in ambush behind a ware-
house, and came very near sinking a fishing-boat anchored off in
the river, which he supposed heaped full of marines.

Men, women, and children were engaged day and night in prepar-
ing for the worst. Many towns in this province have enlisted minute-
men, and keep them under pay ; and the Congress before this would
have actually raised an army of observation, had they not waited for
the General Court which sits to-morrow, in order to raise as much

300 APPENDIX.

money as will pay the army when raised. I am extremely mortified
that I am unable to join the army at Cambridge. But as I am hon-
ored with the management of your business, which cannot possibly
be neglected, the dictates of duty and gratitude induce me to suppress
every wish that may militate against your interest. Your family are
all in health, and desire their tender love and duty to you. The par-
ticulars of the skirmish between the Regulars and the Americans will
long before this reach you. In longing expectation, your safe, happy 9
and speedy return is hoped for by all your friends, but 'by none more
sincerely than by

Your dutiful humble servant,

Alexander Scammell.

P.S. — Please to excuse inaccuracy, as I am obliged to conclude
in the greatest haste. We have heard from you no otherwise than
by Captain Langdon's of the 13th of April.

PoBTSMOUTH, May 8, 1776.

vi.

CANADA CAMPAIGN.

Extract of a Letter from an Officer at Fort George^ to his friend in

New York,

[New-Hampshire Gazette, Angast 8, 1776.]

Nbw York, July 14.
I never, never knew the fatigue of a campaign until I arrived at
Canada. The most shocking scenes that ever appeared in a camp
were constantly exhibited to view. When General Sullivan arrived
in Canada, the army was torn in pieces by sickness and other unac-
countable occurrences. A whole regiment was not to be found
together. General Sullivan, with his usual activity and alertness,
collected together a debilitated, dispirited army ; tried the strength
of the enemy, who were at least four to one, and performed one of
the most remarkable retreats that was ever known. No person who
was not present can conceive a tenth part of the difficulties attending
it ; the enemy at our heels, 3,000 of our men sick with the small-pox,
those who were most healthy like so many walking apparitions. AU

APPENDIX. 801

our baggage, stores, and artillery to be removed, officers as well as
men all employed in hauling cannon, &c. Our batteaux loaded were
all moved up the rapids six miles : one hundred of them wire towed
by our wearied men, up to their armpits in water. This was per-
formed in one day and a half ; our sick and baggage all safely landed
at St. John's, and from thence at Crown-Point, with the loss of only
three cannon, which were but poor ones. All this was accomplished,
through the amazing exertions of General Sullivan, who performed
what appeared to be almost impossible to have been done by mortal
man ! He is now on his way to New York.

VII.

THE LIVIUS LETTER.

The writer of the following letter to General Sullivan,
Peter Livius, was, before the war, a resident "of Ports-
mouth, N.H. A member of the Council under the Royal
Government, he was proscribed by the Act of 1778, and
died in England, in 1795, aged, it is supposed, about sixty-
eight years. Of the members of the Council of New
Hampshire in 1772, seven were relatives of the Governor.
Having been left out of commission as a Justice x)f the
Common Pleas, when new appointments were made on
the division of the Province into counties, and dissenting
from the views of the Council as to the disposition of re-
served lands in grants made by a former Governor, Livi-
us went to England, and exhibited to the Lords of Trade
several and serious charges against the administration of
which he was a member. These charges were rigidly in-
vestigated, but were finally dismissed. Livius appears, how-
ever, to have gained much popularity among those in New
Hampshire who were opposed to the Governor, and who
desired his removal ; and was appointed by their influence,
Chief-Justice of the Province. But as it was thought that

302 APPENDIX.

the appointment, under the circumstances, was likely to pro-
duce discord, he was transferred to a more lucrative office
in the Province of Quebec. Livius was of foreign extraction,
and, as would seem, a gentleman of strong feelings. He
wrote to General John Sullivan from Canada, to induce him
to abandon the Whig cause. The letter was published. Mr.
Livius possessed a handsome fortune. He was educated
abroad, but received an honorary degree from Harvard Uni-
versity in 1767."

The above account of Judge Livius is taken from Sabine^s
" Loyalists." It is derogatory to character even to be ap-
proached by a proposition to betray; but there appears
nothing in the conduct or sentiments of General Sullivan
to have encouraged confidence that such an attempt could
have been, under any temptation, successful. The letter
forms part of the history of the times and of his own.

Sir, — I have long desired to write my mind to you, on a matter
of the very greatest importance to you ; but the unhappy situation of
things has rendered all intercourse very difficult, and has hitherto
prevented me. I now find a man is to be sent for a very different
purpose to you. By him I shall contrive to get this letter to you, a
person having undertaken to put it in the place of that which was
designed to be carried to you. You know me very well, and are
acquainted with many circumstances of my life, and have seen me in
very trying situations that might perhaps have been some excuse ; yet
I am sure you never knew me guilty of any ungentlemanly action. I
remind you of this to convince you that you may safely trust what
I say to you, as coming from a person who has never trifled with any
man.

You know, better than I do, the situation of your Congress, and
the confusion there is among you, and the ruin that impends. You
have felt how unequal the forces of your own people are to with-
stand the power of Great Britain ; and for foreign assistance I need
not tell you how precarious and deceitful it must be. France and
Spain know they cannot embark in your quarrel, without the greatest
danger of Great Britain turning suddenly against and taking pos-
session of their colonies, with so great a force already collected and

APPENDIX. 303

in America ; besides their fears of raising views of independence in
their own colonies, to which they are much disposed. But why should
I enlarge on this subject ? I am sure you know the futility of all
hopes of effectual foreign assistance, and that these hopes have been
thrown out only to keep up the spirits of the deluded common people.
You therefore will not suffer yourself to be deluded by them. The
most you can expect from foreigners is, that they will help, at the
expense of your countrymen's blood and happiness, to keep up a dis-
pute that will ruin you, and distress Great Britain. It is not the
interest of France and Spain that America should be independent.

But if it were possible you could entertain any thoughts that the
hopes of effectual foreign assistance were well grounded, you cannot
but know that such assistance must now arrive too late. The last
campaign was almost consumed before the English army could get
collected, and in a position to act in America ; but now the campaign
is just opening, the whole army in the greatest health and spirits,
plentifully provided with every thing, most earnest in the cause I do
assure you, well acquainted with the country, and placed so as to act
briskly with the greatest ejficacy. A few months, therefore, will prob-
ably decide the contest. You must either fight or fly-; and, in either
case, ruin seems inevitable. You were the first man in active rebellion,
and drew with you the Province you live in. What hope, what ex-
pectation, can you have ? You will be one of the first sacrifices to
the resentment and justice of government ; your family will be ruined,
and you must die with ignominy ; or, if you should be so happy as to
escape, you will drag along a tedious life of poverty, misery, and
continual apprehensions in a foreign land. Now, Sullivan, I have a
method to propose to you, if you have resolution and courage for it,
that will save you and your family and estate from this imminent
destruction. It is, in plain English, to tread back the steps you have
already taken, and to do some real essential service to your king and
country, in assisting to re-establish public tranquillity and lawful
government.

You know that I will not deceive you. Every one who will exert
himself for government will be received; and I do assure you
firmly upon my honor, — I am empowered to engage particularly
with you, — that it shall be the case with you, if you will sincerely
endeavor to deserve your pardon. It is not desired of you to
declare yourself immediately, nor, indeed, to declare yourself at
all, until you can dispose matters so as to bring the Province with

804 APPENDIX.

yon ; in order to Tfhicb you shonld as much as possible, under differ-
ent pretences, contrive to send every man out of the Province from
whom you apprehend difficulty, and to keep at home all those who
are friendly to government, or desirous of peace. In the mean while,
endeavor to give me all the material intelligence you can collect (and
you can get the best) ; or, if you find it most convenient, you can con-
vey it to General Burgoyne, and by your using my name he will
know whom it comes from without your mentioning your own name.
As soon as you find you can do it with efficacy and success, de-
clare yourself, and you will find assistance you very little expect in
restoring the Province to lawful government. If you do not choose
to undertake this, another will ; and if you continue obstinate on the
ground you are now on, you may depend upon it, you will suddenly
find it fail and burst under you, like the springing of a mine. What
I recommend to you is not only prudent, safe, and necessary, it is
right, it is honorable. That you early embarked in the Rebellion
is true. Perhaps you mistook the popular delusion for the cause of
your country (as many others did who have returned to their duty),
and you engaged in it warmly. But when you found your error, you
earnestly returned ; you saved the Province you had engaged for, from
devastation and ruin ; and you rendered most essential services to
your king and country, for which I engage my word to you, you will
receive pardon, you will secure your estate, and be further amply
rewarded. Your past conduct has been unworthy : your return will
be praiseworthy. What is all this expense of human life for, these
deluges of human blood ? Very probably to get afloat some lawless
despotic tyrant in the room of your lawful king. I conceive you must
be surrounded with embarrassments. You may perhaps find difficulty
in getting a letter to me. Possibly the fellow who carries this to you
may be fit to be trusted. He thinks, indeed, he carries you a very
difierent letter from this, and I suppose will be frightened a good
deal when he finds the change that has been put upon him, and that
I am in possession of the letter he was intended to carry ; yet I have
understood he has a family here, and will, I suppose, wish to return,
and knows well enough it is in my power to procure him pardon and
reward ; and I imagine he thinks (as I trust most people do) that I
am never forgetful of a man who does any thing to oblige me. You
will consider how far you may trust him, how far it is prudent to do
it ; and you can sound him, and see whether he wishes to return, and
whether he is likely to answer the purpose ; and if you think proper

APPENDIX. 805

you may engage to him, that I will protect him and reward him, if
he brings me safely a letter from you. I could say a great deal more
on this subject, but I must close my letter lest it should be too late.
Be sincere and steady, and give me an occasion to show myself —

Your sincere friend,

Livius.

This letter was taken out of a canteen with a false bottom, by
Greneral Schuyler at Fort Edward, this 16th day of June, in the
presence of us the subscribers.

Benjamin Hicks, Captain,

Henry B. Livingston, Aide-de-Camp to

Major-General Schuyler.
John W. Wendell, Captain.
John Lansing, Jr., Secretary to Major^

General Schuyler.

I certify upon honor that this letter was taken out of a canteen ;

which I delivered to General Schuyler ; which canteen I received

from Colonel Van Dyck, who separated part of the wire from the false

bottom, to see whether it was the canteen I was sent for, and who,

after taking out this letter, and letting out some rum, returned it into

the canteen, without breaking the seals.

Bar. J. V. Walkenburgh,

Lieutenant,
June 16, 1777.

vin.

VERMONT CONTROVERSY.

The following letter to Sterling, from Keene, Oct. 4, 1782,
shows how far public sentiment in Vermont, as aflfected by
her disappointment, endangered the general cause : —

I take the liberty of informing your Lordship, that last evening
arrived in this town one Captain Snyder, who was taken, near Esopus,
about three years since, and escaped from confinement, near Mon-
treal, on the 10th of last month. He informs me that the British

306 APPENDIX.

army were encamped on the Isle de Noix, on their way to Albany ;
that their numbers consisted of four thousand, principally Germaa
troops ; that the Indians, under Johnson, were to move down the
Mohawk River, and fall on Schenectady at the same time that
the main army attacked Albany. He adds, that it was currently
reported by their oflBcers that the inhabitants of Vermont were to
join them on their arrival at Crown Point; of which, from other
accounts, there seems some reason to be apprehensive.

General Bailey also writes, by express, that he had similar ac-
counts through other channels. I have conversed with an intelligent
officer commanding on our frontiers, who confirms the account, and
assures me that some of his party have reconnoitred the army at
Isle de Noix, and find their number about four thousand, and, through
a secret channel, have discovered that the army is commanded by
Major-General Clark ; that their object is Albany ; and that they are
in expectation of being joined by Vermont, — of which, from evi-
dence I have this moment received, I have but little reason to doubt.

As your Lordship commands in the Western Department, it was
thought proper, by the judges of the Superior Court, now sitting
here, and all the officers in this quarter, to despatch an express with
the foregoing intelligence, that you may take proper measures to
frustrate the enemy's design. It is difficult to conjecture what may
be their intentions. Possibly the plan of forming a junction of the
two armies on the Hudson River may be again in contemplation ;
but making a diversion in that quarter to weaken General Washing-
ton, and then bringing him to action, is still more probable. There
is, indeed, a possibility that their intention is to establish themselves
on this side the Lake, secure, and bring over the inhabitants of Ver-
mont, who are ignorant of the measures taken by their leaders, and
may possibly attempt to make opposition when the plot is discovered.

If disaflfection existed at the period in Vermont, it was by
no means universal, and was probably less than the resent-
ments, growiog out of the controversy with the neighboring
States, led to suppose. But, while it lasted, it was cause for
solicitude, a source of danger; and, had the war been pro-
tracted, the presence of large numbers of disaflfected within
our limits would have proved an embarrassment.

APPENDIX. 307

IX.

MILITARY ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE.

[For the New-Hampshire Gazette.]
TO THE FREEMEN OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Brethren and Fellow-Citizens, — Conscious of having too small
a share of military experience, I can only urge my late appointment
to the command of the militia in this State, in excuse for addressing
you upon a subject of such importance to the public, and of which my
knowledge is so imperfect ; but, were my talents even equal to those
of a Frederick, I could do but little towards forming a well-regulated
militia, without the countenance and aid of the people at large. You
will permit me to observe, that, under a Constitution calculated to ren-
der a people free and happy, the mutual consent and joint efforts of
all are requisite in some instances to bring about that reform which,
in a less happy country, may be accomplished by the arbitrary dic-
tates of a despotic prince.

With us, at this day, a slender excuse, a defect in the militia laws,
or, at the worst, a small fine, may exempt a person during life from
appearing in the field ; but the despot issues his orders, and punishes
the breach according to his own caprice ; and as no person can con-
jecture the penalty, every subject fears to hazard the consequence of
disobedience. Perhaps this may be one. reason for the great success
tyrants have had, in enslaving so great a part of the human race.

In Republican governments, people often turn their thoughts to
that part of the Constitution which bequeathes them their liberties;
but too frequently forget that they ought to pursue measures for
securing them. We have already bravely purchased liberty and
independence, and now make part of an empire where freedom reigns
without control ; but what will our late struggle avail, if we suffer
the military skill which we have acquired, to be lost ! and ourselves
to sleep in seeming safety, till the avarice, the jealousy, or the ambi-
tion of some foreign prince rouses us from our slumber, and con-
vinces us of our mistake ?

We often please ourselves by observing, that this country is calcu-
lated for freedom and commerce, not for war. I sincerely join in the

308 APPENDIX.

opinion, and most ardently wish it may ever remain such ; tnt I have
long since been convinced, that the only way to keep peace is to be
prepared for whatever events may come. If we mean to keep our
neighbors' sword in the scabbard, we shall whet our own.

As I flatter myself further arguments are not requisite to prove
the necessity of disciplining and keeping up a regular and formidable
militia, I shall proceed to offer some remarks for your consideration.
It is not my province to dictate : I can only recommend. All impor-
tant regulations must be ordered or approved of by the Commander-
in-Chief, and even those orders must be consistent with the laws of
the State. I shall, therefore, only urge upon the field-officers already
appointed, to lose no time in nominating their captains and subalterns ;
and, in their selection, that they avail themselves of as much military
talent and experience as possible.

I am far from wishing that no persons should be appointed but
such as have had military experience ; on the contrary, I am per-
suaded that some gentlemen who have never seen service have
naturally excellent military talents, and bid fair to make great and
good officers ; but where one person has military experience, another
none, all things being equal, it requires no uncommon share of
sagacity to determine who should be preferred. I wish no person
to be in office who is not likely to answer the purposes of his appoint-
ment.

Formerly, the man of wealth and family was sought after, without
the least attention to capacity. I readily grant, that officers of every
rank ought to be gentlemen and men of honor ; if men of family,
their advantages of education are generally greater ; and if they are
possessed of fortune, it is a most agreeable circumstance ; but these
alone can have but little weight, without other qualifications more
essential.

The merchant will not hazard his ship to be navigated by a man,
merely because he is a man of wealth and family ; nor a gentleman
his watch, in the hands of one unskilled in watch-making, barely
because he possesses a large estate ; and it is really surprising that
the most unbounded and the most important science should be so
lightly esteemed, as to intrust the teaching of it to persons totally
uninstructed, and who have not even capacity to acquire a knowledge
of it themselves.

But whatever appointments the field officers may think proper to
make, I earnestly recommend that they be made as soon as possible ;

APPENDIX. 309

and that the officers appointed, of every rank, use their utmost efforts
to have the militia disciplined in small parties, without delay.

And here let me entreat the influence of every gentleman who
wishes well to his country, to lend his aid in promoting a business so
essential as the preservation of his own rights and those of his fellow-
citizens.

The law of the State enacts, that every soldier shall be provided
with a gun, bayonet, cartouch-box ; but a uniformity of arms is much
to be wished, and I cannot think it impossible to procure such as
were used by the late American army. Many of them are now in
the country, and many, I believe, for sale in the public magazines.
If arms are to be purchased, I can see nothing but a little attention
requisite, in order to have them of the same kind.

A uniformity of dress will be allowed, by every person who has
the least military taste, to add lustre to the troops, to inspire them
with military ambition, make them appear respectable in the view of
spectators, and formidable in the eyes of their enemies ; and this, in
my opinion, is more easily attainable than a uniformity of arms.

I would only propose for consideration, a dress almost similar to
that worn by the troops of the German Empire : a short coat of white
woollen, and waistcoat of the same (of our own manufacture) ; the
coat faced and half-cufled, with blue, red, crimson, or any other
color ; the cape of the coat, and the front of the waistcoat, bound
like the facing. A pair of linen overalls will complete the dress.
A single minute spent in calculation will prove this a much cheaper
dress than the militia now appear in. If a person keeps a suit for
public days, I can see no good reason why he should refuse the
cheapest ; and if he is able to keep but one, I believe a moment's
reflection will convince him that he will make a more decent appear-
ance than in a suit which, by a single washing, may be ruined. If
it should be objected, that it is not the fashion, my answer is, that
if oflicers and men once adopt it, it will soon become as fashionable
as it is now in Germany and Turkey, where the best troops almost in
the world are clad with it.

If it should be objected, that this kind of clothing cannot be kept
neat, the answer is, that even without washing, they are more easily
kept so than any other. Whiting, flour, wheat bran, or chalk, used in
the French army, and even in our own, kept white uniforms decent
and clean, which would not admit of washing, and gave them a
neater and better appearance than clothing of any color.

310 APPENDIX.

The operation which this must have respecting the balance of trade
ought to be a powerful motive for adopting it. Almost the whole, if
not all, the materials for this uniform may be manufactured among
ourselves. If we allow twenty thousand militia men in this State,
and this dress to cost each of them five dollars, and each suit to last
a year, there will be one hundred thousand dollars kept among us,
which, if we clothed in foreign manufactures, must be drawn out of
the country. In ten years, a million of dollars will be saved to this
single State. I am well aware of the argument too often opposed to
this ; viz., that if a man can purchase foreign manufactures cheaper
than those of his own country, it is better for him as an individual.
Admit this argument to be just, it only proves that people sometimes
adopt, to serve themselves, what tends to ruin the society to which
they belong ; and that this must have that operation, will be discov-
ered if we reflect on the fatal consequences, should every member in
the community adopt it.

Our own manufactures would cease, idleness be introduced, and all
our circulating coin be drawn away to pay for the labor and mate-
rials of other nations. No great force of reasoning is requisite to
prove, that any country which imports three millions annually in for-
eign articles, and exports only two, will be one million in arrear ; this
balance must either remain unpaid, or the circulating medium of the
country drawn away to discharge it.

This balance of trade against a nation, like a whirlpool draws off
its coin, and leaves the people " poor indeed." This, among others,
is a cause of the scarcity of money among us at this day, and is
one principal foundation of our public distress. We feel the evil,
and complain, although few attempt to discover its source. But I
will now endeavor to demonstrate, that it not only tends to impover-
ish a nation, but even those individuals who conceive they are saving
their interest, by purchasing foreign manufactures at a cheap rate.

If it has a tendency to distress the nation at large, to drain it of
its coin, and leave poor debtors with their effects at the mercy of the
rich and powerful, or rather in the hands of foreign merchants, or
their agents here, how much will the pretended saving avail them?
Their real and personal estate will be reduced in value ; and, in order
to raise what is needed to pay for articles they fondly conclude are
purchased upon advantageous terms, double the quantity of money
actually paid for them will have been lost.

If, therefore, a great saving must be made to the State, by clothing

APPENDIX. 311

our military force in uniforms of our own manufactures ; if individ-
uals will feel the advantage, and the corps appear more respectable,
would not the militia of New Hampshire do themselves high honor
in adopting a measure which, while it adds brilliancy to them as
troops, will contribute largely towards enriching their country?

Having proposed this subject for your consideration, I shall now
address myself to the gentlemen of talent and capacity, who may
have the ofier of commissions. Some, perhaps, may decline because
they have ample fortunes, and wish to enjoy life in ease and tran-
quillity. Others will allege their having held equal, or even superior
commisdions in the army or elsewhere ; and many may urge the
expense attending an office, as a sufficient objection against holding it.

If the first of these arguments had been adopted at the commence-
ment of the late war, we should not at this moment have even the
shadow of liberty to defend : if the second was to prevail, I think no
person could urge it with better propriety than myself.

The third objection is only rendered formidable by a practice, too
common in America under former Constitutions, which I trust will
never take place under the present.

Formerly, in many of the United States, a muster day often pre-
sented a scene of feasting, and not of military exhibitions. The
principal officers, instead of attending to the duties of the day, were
employed in preparing and ordering expensive entertainments for
spectators and officers: while the soldiers were left to burn their
powder to no purpose ; to march without order ; to be the spectators
of an untimely feast; to return home without acquiring any other
knowledge than that which arose from seeing the near resemblance
between a general muster and a riot.

I am far from wishing muster days to be considered as days of
feasting, either for officers, soldiers, or spectators. They are days for
exhibiting military skill ; for acquiring a knowledge of manoeuvres ;
and not for feasting and revelry. Judicious spectators will be better
pleased with a display of military acquirements, than with a feast,
without having a sight of the performances they came to view.
Officers will have less trouble, and be able to perform their duty with
ease, and less confusion. Soldiers can be more regaled by having
refreshments provided for them to partake of, at proper intervals,
than by seeing the most luxuriant tables in which they can have but
little share ; and will undoubtedly be better pleased, to have their
time taken up in the business of the day, than in that which has no

312 APPENDIX.

relation to it. If tha militia mean to become soldiers, they must act
the part of such, in acquiring the necessary knowledge. If they wish
to become the strength and safety of their country, they should avoid
practices, however ancient, which have a tendency to prevent their
obtaining the object in view. If the plan herein recommended should
be adopted, the objection relative to expense will in a great measure
lose its force.

Many people suppose a militia can never be equal to troops in a
regular standing army ; and, therefore, will not hazard an attempt
which they suppose to be vain. But stubborn facts destroy the sup-
position. The militia of the Swiss Cantons are equal, if not superior,
to the standing forces of their neighbors. And the Prussian army, so
formidable in Europe, is nothing more than a well-regulated militia.
The voice of the Prince calls them to the field ; three months are
taken up in disciplining them, and in passing the reviews ; they are
then furloughed for nine months of the year, during which time they
work at their respective occupations, without being called upon,
unless in case of invasion or actual war.

I know so much time of the yeomanry in this country cannot be
spared ; but much more than has ever yet been spent might be de-
voted to a business so important, without being sensibly felt ; and I
cannot avoid urging this in the most pressing terms at a time when,
however desirous we may be of a lasting peace, war does not, in my
view, appear at a great distance. If any gentleman should differ
from me in sentiment, and can assign a satisfactory reason for the
British refusing to give up the important posts on our frontiers, ceded
to us by treaty, I shall then with pleasure change my opinion, and
my fears on that head shall be at an end.

In order to prepare for every event, if in each neighborhood the

officers and soldiers were to assemble one or two hours in a week, to

practise the use of arms, and regularly attend on the proper muster

days, they would soon become expert in the art of war, be a terror

to every ambitious power, and render themselves able and skilful

guardians of those liberties purchased by the blood of their brethren,

and the treasures of their country.

John Sullivan,

Major- General.
Durham, January 27, 1785.

APPENDIX. . 313

[For the New-Hampshire Gazette.]

To the Gentlemen of Family, Fortune^ and Education in New

Hampshire,

Gentlemen, — While the ambitions of princes, the jealousy of
States, and the avarice of unprincipled Courts have an existence,
, national contests will undoubtedly take place; and as no earthly
tribunal has an acknowledged right to redress the injured, or to pun-
ish the aggressor, an appeal to arms is the only remedy.

It therefore becomes the duty of every people, to prepare for
making this dread appeal, with some prospect of obtaining repara-
tion for injuries received, or defending themselves against the attacks
of an ambitious or insulting foe.

We have lately emerged from the shade of tyrannical power;
have established an empire to which the fertility of our soil, the
extent of our territory, salubrity of our different climes, invite the
industrious and oppressed of every nation.

America has now become an object to excite the envy of other
powers, and to fire the resentment of those restless tyrants who may
justly dread an increase of numbers in a country where their own
subjects can be protected from their lawless domination. We should
therefore take the proper and necessary measures for defending our-
selves against every attempt which envy, ambition, or unjustifiable
resentment may stir up against us.

Common prudence dictates, that more attention is requisite for
guarding treasures of great value, than things of small account. A
rich and valuable country is more likely to be attacked, than a barren
and uncultivated desert ; a defenceless town, than a fortified city ; a
careless and undisciplined body of men, than an army conversant with
the evolutions of war.

I confess myself to be one of the number that experienced too
great a share of the fatigues of the war, to wish ever to see America
involved in another ; but, to conclude that an event will not take place
because we, are averse to it, betrays a weakneps that will not admit
of an excuse ; and to postpone the preparations for war until the
moment of attack, is a species of national suicide. If a man was
at this time to predict a speedy war in America, he could expect no
better treatment than Ahab gave the prophet who foretold his fall at
Bamoth Gilead ; because we are no better reconciled to the one than

314 APPENDIX.

Ahab was to the other ; but it surely cannot be amiss to say, that
considering the conduct of Great Britain, the spirit she discovers in
withholding our posts, the war that has been lately kindled in
Europe, the nations that there may be involved in it, and the dis-
position of some of them respecting America, it is at least possible
that we may, even against our inclination, be drawn or driven into
it. As it cannot be denied that this event may take place, let me ask
whether it is not our duty to prepare to defend ourselves in case of
necessity, and whether the time of peace is not more proper for those
preparations than the time of war.

I have already taken the liberty to address the people of this State
in general upon the subject ; and, if my endeavors have the desired
effect, the train-band of New Hampshire will soon be able to act the
part of soldiers when the safety or the interest of their country calls
them to the field. But my zeal for the security and honor of the
State compels me to call upon you in particular ; and, lest it should
be made a question for whom this address is more especially intended,
I will explain myself, by saying, that it is designed for gentlemen of
family and fortune ; for persons of the most reputable and honorable
positions ; for gentlemen who have received academical honors, and
are by law exempted from appearing in the field ; and for those
who have formerly held civil or military commissions ; and the first
part of it particularly for such of them as are in the bloom and vigor
of life.

. You, gentlemen, will readily grant, that, in time of invasion, the
whole force of the State should be called forth, if necessary, to repel
the attack ; and that this force, in order to insure success, should be
well instructed in the use of arms. But many circumstances have
hertofore operated against our having gentlemen of the first talents
and capacity in the field, to acquire this necessary knowledge. The
thought of serving on foot, and doing duty with persons of inferior
rank in life has, perhaps, induced many to submit to the fine imposed
by law, and others to excuse themselves by the exceptions in the
militia acts. Yet I will venture to assert, and call upon your own feel-
ings to justify me, that, in case of invasion, your bosoms would glow
with patriotic ardor, a military zeal would instantly possess every
breast ; and that you would then wish to be in the place, however
great the danger, where you could render the most essential service
to your country. But believe me, my dear friends, the most con-
summate bravery, without that knowledge which is acquired by

APPENDIX. 315

practice, will be of but little advantage ; the most heroic valor cannot
supply its place, or undaunted courage serve as a substitute.

The man who means to fight his country's battles must before
the day of action be accustomed to the use of those weapons with
which he intends to annoy its enemies ; lest he should, like the
Israelitish hero, be compelled to lay aside what he had not sufficiently
proved. I know that the law ranks many, in whose valor and ac-
tivity the country would place the highest confidence, with the num-
ber that compose the alarm list ; but I am persuaded, that the active
and aspiring souls of many among you would suffer a species of im-
prisonment in that kind of service, among persons, many of whom
(although of the most respectable characters in life), yet borne down
with the weight of years, and only enjoying the feeble remains of a
military spirit, have not a sufficiency of bodily strength to carry their
wishes into execution.

You will pardon me, therefore, if I take the liberty of pointing out
to you, my much-esteemed friends, the posts of honor, the place for
exercising all your talents, and where you can be of the most essen-
tial service to your country. >

The Legislature has established a regiment of light-horse, and the
executive authority will undoubtedly appoint some gentlemen to com-
mand it whose talents and reputation will do honor to the corps.
Permit me to mention some part of the duty of this body.

They are, in case of invasions, to scour the country, to watch the
motions of the enemy, to observe their movements, judge of their
designs, and give intelligence.

They are to have the charge of all important despatches, and to be
intrusted with the most secret and interesting messages. In time of
action, they are to cover the flanks of the army ; to attack every force
which attempts to surround it ; to charge any part of an enemy
thrown into confusion, and complete their disorder ; they are to pur-
sue and harass a flying enemy, and make prisoners by cutting ofl* the
retreat of such of them as may separate from the main body in their
flight.

Much more might be said upon the utility of this important corps ;
but enough has already been hinted, to prove that this post ofiers the
fairest field for a display of military valor, and for reaping the laurels
of heroic merit.

I am not unmindful of some objections which may be made by
some among the characters I have taken the freedom to address

SI 6 APPENDIX.

Having commanded formerly as officers, and now acting as privates,
is among the foremost with one class ; and, perhaps, serving under
officers who have no better talents or pretensions than themselves,
will have its weight with another. But, however fashionable the first
objection has become in modern days, it had no weight with the vir-
tuous citizens of ancient Rome. The gi*eatest commanders that the
world ever produced, when their command expired, cheerfully served
under those who but the preceding year were subject to their orders.

With respect to the second objection, I can only say, that my earnest
desire is, that each man in this important regiment may have all the
qualifications of an officer ; and that the corps may become one of
the most respectable in the world, on account of the worthy charac-
ters of which it may be composed ; but, as all who have merit cannot
be in commission, some must act as privates. But here let me ask,
whether these objections, and every other, which can possibly be
raised, will not lay with greater force against joining the alarm list.
You will there have to do duty on foot, and probably with persons
brought up in a very diffi^rent line of life ; but in this corps you will
avoid the fatigues of serving on foot, your duty will be separate frona
that of the infantry, the persons acting with you will be gentlemen
of your acquaintance, the companions of your social hours, whose
fortunes and reputations are equal to your own.

If examples were wanting, a very striking one presents itself in
Pennsylvania, where the first gentlemen of family and fortune in the
city of Philadelphia serve as privates in the lightrhorse. And the
advantage of having such gentlemen, acting in that capacity, in time
of danger, is almost inconceivable. With how much more safety can
an army repos^, or a country rest, when they know that the motions
of the enemy are watched by gentlemen of vigilance, judgment, and
fidelity, than if only observed by persons who have not talents to
judge of their designs, or perhaps capacity to realize the importance
of their own trust ! With how much more certainty can we rely
upon their intelligence, than upon that which we receive from persons
of inferior abilities ! And with how much more confidence can we
commit secret messages and despatches to gentlemen of the first repu-
tation, than to persons whose want of fidelity may lead them to
desert, or whose want of attention or capacity draws them into the
snares of a vigilant and artful enemy ! By these hints, however im-
perfect, you will see very great advantages which your country may
receive from your services ; and as I am convinced that neither

APPENDIX. 317

former commissions, or exemptions by law, can stifle the patriotic
flame in your bosoms, or keep you from the field in time of danger,
let me entreat you to join that corps where you will do the highest
honor to yourselves, and be of the most essential service to your
country.

Your fortunes will enable you to equip yourselves in a proper man-
ner, and to devote the necessary time to training your horses, and
acquiring a knowledge of manoeuvres. Every meeting will be an
agreeable interview between friends and acquaintances of the first
rank and fortune ; every parade day will give delight to your fellow-
citizens ; and, on the days of battle, victory will hover over your
standard, and your own conduct proclaim you the terror of your
country's foes.

Having offered my sentiments to those gentlemen who are in the
bloom and vigor of life, I now take the freedom to address that very
respectable class of citizens, who compose the alarm list, — a body
consisting of persons between fifty and seventy years of age, of what-
ever rank in life ; of military officers, who have served with great
credit ; civil officers in the highest esteem ; gentlemen of the first
wealth and reputation who have passed the meridian of their days ;
and of those men possessing the greatest literary talents. These are
the characters which make up this venerable band.

To you, my much respected and worthy friends, I can say nothing
for your instruction. Many among you possess military knowledge in
the highest degree, and know from experience, that every thing that has
been, or can with propriety be said upon the necessity of disciplining
troops, and accustoming them to the use of arms, applies as well to
your corps as to others, although many of the individuals need no
instruction. I therefore flatter myself, that those gentlemen who have
had military experience, will use their endeavors to teach those who
are not instructed.

Many of you whom the law ranks in the alarm list, I am sensible,
have held very important military commissions, and are now capable
of acting with honor and reputation in any office or department ; but
either from inclination, from advanced life, or, perhaps, from unavoid-
able neglect, are not now in commission, and, consequently, in the time
of danger, must appear in this respectable body. Permit me, therefore,
to entreat your assistance for the public good. Let me request you to
assemble, and nominate your officers, and recommend them to the
President and Council for commissions. This is nearest the mode

318 APPENDIX.

which the law has pointed out, and I can see nothii^g in the Constitu-
tion that renders it objectionable.

If you should think proper to assemble frequently for exercise, it
will afford me the highest satisfaction ; not because I suppose all need
to be instructed ; but because those that are experienced will impart
their skill to others ; and the example will have the most salutary
effects.

Your own judgments will direct you whether to adopt a uniform
or not ; and, if you should, whether cloth of our manufactures will
not do most honor to you and be of the greatest advantage to the
State.

I beg leave to assure you, that every measure which you may adopt
to advance military knowledge shall by me, while in office, be ac-
knowledged with great gratitude ; and must, in my opinion, be viewed
by all your fellow-citizens as so many marks of your attachment to

that country which you helped to make free.

John Sullivan,

Major- Oeiieral,
DuBHAM, February 24, 1785.

To the Learned Gentlemen charged with the Education of Youth in

New Hampshire,

Gentlemen, — As the profession of arms is iti every country
esteemed honorable, even when the science of war is learned with
a view of extending conquests over unoffending nations, it must be
infinitely more so, when taught for the purpose of national defence 9
and for the security of dear-bought freedom.

Permit me, therefore, gentlemen, to entreat you, if it will not
interfere with the plans which you may have laid for diffusing lite-
rary knowledge, to set apart some hours in the week, for the youth
under your care to amuse themselves in learning the manual exer-
cise and military manoeuvres. If this proposal should meet your
approbation, your own wisdom will dictate the best method for carry-
ing it into execution. If relaxation from studies is necessary, perhaps
none can be so useful ; and I am convinced, that, in a short time,
none could be more pleasing to your pupils. You will then have
the pleasing satisfaction to see the youth, whom you have learnt to
converse with the sages of Greece and Rome, to admire the heroes

APPENDIX. 319

of ancient and modern times, and to value that freedom for which

they have fought and bled, made, by your care, proper champions to

defend those natural and national rights, which you have taught them

to hold in the highest estimation. John Sullivan,

Major- General,
Durham, 27th Feb. 1785.

WASHINGTON'S VISIT TO NEW HAMPSHIRE,

In Brewster's " Rambles about Portsmouth " is a minute
detail of the incidents of this occasion, and an extract from
Washington's journal giving his own account of it. The
gazettes afford other particulars.

On Saturday, Oct. 31, 1789, President Washington was met
at the State line of New Hampshire by General Sullivan,
President of the State ; Langdon ; Wingate ; several of the
Council ; Colonel Parker, State Marshal. Escorted by " sev-
eral troops of cavalry in handsome uniforms, and also by
many militia officers in white and red uniforms, of the manu-
facture of the State," he proceeded to Portsmouth, where he
arrived before three o'clock, and was received at the State
House. He was conducted to the Senate Chamber, and
addressed, on behalf of the town, by Mr. John Pickering ; to
which he made a response. A review then took place of the
horse, infantry, and artillery ; and Washington was conducted
to his lodgings, at Colonel Brewster's, by Sallivan, Langdon,
and Parker. In the evening, the State House was illumi-
nated, and rockets fired from the balcony.

The following day, Washington was conducted to the
Queen's Chapel; and, in the afternoon, attended church at
Dr. Buckminster's. On Monday, an excursion was made
down the harbor, to inspect the forts ; and Washington drew

320 APPENDIX.

from the water a cod, which had been hooked by Mr. Willey.
A visit was paid to the Wentworth mansion ; and, on their
return, the party dined at Governor Langdon's. On Tuesday,
Washington called on General Sullivan, and on Mrs. Lear,
the mother of his private secretary. About two o'clock, he
received a formal address of welcome from General Sullivan,
on behalf of the State authorities, and dined with them at
the Assembly Boom, "one of the best he had seen anywhere
in the United States." In the evening, he attended a public
ball given in his honor, and, the next day, proceeded to
Exeter. Sullivan had invited him to dine at Durham, but it
was probably too far from his route for the invitation to be
accepted.

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